Influence of pornography on infants and youth

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Scanning evidence

December 2017

Antonia quadara, alissar el-murr

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– The impact of pornography on the younger generation, and the young 888.34 kb

Overview

Today, the creation of pornographic ai (https://best-ai-porn.com/) by the australian institute for family studies (aifs) was handled by the department of social services for an audit of the fact that published research data tells fans about the impact of themselves and online pornography consumption on the younger generation and students.

The growing availability of pornography via the world wide web raises concerns about its consequences. Determine on kids and students:

– Knowledge and approach to fucking;- sexual habits and practices;- approach and fluctuation on gender equality;- habits and skills for the purposes of their own lustful intimate or romantic relationships; and- the risk of being subjected to or doing sexual violence.The aim of this project was not to duplicate the significant work done by other scientists working on similar issues (e.G. Flood, 2009; flood & hamilton, 2003a, 2003b; sabina, volak, and finkelhor, 2008; volak, mitchell, and finkelhor, 2007; ybarra and mitchell, 2005). Rather, the aim was to summarize recent research and current approaches/interventions in this range of areas to inform future initiatives to reduce the negative impact of pornography on children and young people.

Approach

Between august and october 2016, the research team reviewed available research relating to:

– The impact of pornography on children and young people in relation to the problems listed above; and- current approaches and interventions that have been developed to address the negative effects of pornography and promote respectful relationships.Studies conducted in australia, new zealand, uk, usa, ireland, scandinavia and canada. Was a priority. To varying degrees, the international contexts listed here have some similarities with australia, such as political and legislative systems. However, the implications of the study cannot be fully communicated.

The literature was then synthesized to:

Draw conclusions about the key implications of pornography for children and young people and how best to understand this relationship between pornography and related outcomes;identify factors that may help explain or mediate the relationship between exposure to pornography and other “sexualizing” material and exposure to children and young people (i.E. Risk protective factors); andidentify promising approaches to address this problem with children and young people, including key findings.Terminology used in this report

The term “pornography” is commonly used. In academic and socio-political literature, as well as in popular and news media, to describe sexually explicit material that is usually intended to sexually arouse the audience (flood, 2016). This can be a useful shorthand; however, it is important to note that there is no single type of pornography. There is diversity in the form that pornography takes (eg text, images, anime, videos), its content (eg sexuality and practices presented), and the context in which it is produced. This variation is important to keep in mind when discussing the harms associated with online pornography, and it may make more sense to speak of “pornography” to acknowledge this diversity. Some researchers have used the terms sexually explicit material (sem) and online sexually explicit material (seim) to refer to “online [pictures and] videos that explicitly depict sexual acts and genitalia and are usually intended to arouse the viewer” (hare, gahagan, jackson, & steenbeek, 2014, p. 148).

At the same time, the style and form of pornography, which is easily accessible via the internet and is largely aimed at the male heterosexual audience, dominates part of the global porn industry (crabbe, 2016). Perhaps it is this form of pornography that is fueling the current debate about the harms associated with viewing and consuming online pornography.

In this report, the terms “pornography” and “online pornography” are mainly used to refer to:

– Textual, visual and audiovisual material of a sexually explicit nature, which are usually intended to sexually arouse the audience;- the main, dominant forms of pornography; and- pornographic materials that are uploaded, accessed, published and downloaded through online platforms.Cautions

There are several caveats that the reader should keep in mind:

– The reviewed literature was limited to empirical and other studies. Published as academic, peer-reviewed publications, or research reports published in non-commercial form, available on the internet (i.E. Unpublished literature). – Search strategies limited the search to: – studies published between 2005 and 2016; and- literature published in english in australia and relevant international contexts: canada, new zealand, usa, uk, ireland and scandinavia.

This means that published studies after 2016 were necessarily excluded, and traditional studies were given a privilege. These studies often lag behind the challenges faced by practitioners, educators and other professionals in their work.

Outline of the report

The report consists of two parts. The first part is a synthesis of the literature and its implications for developing initiatives to combat the harms associated with online pornography. The second part provides a review of the literature that formed the basis for the summary report.

The evidence library collated and used in this project is presented as a separate appendix to the report.

Key messages

– Nearly half of children aged 9 to 16 regularly encounter images of a sexual nature.

– Boys are more common. Than women intentionally seek out pornography and do so often.

– Pornography use can shape sexual practices and is associated with unsafe sexual health practices such as not using condoms and unsafe anal and vaginal sex.

– Pornography can reinforce attitudes that support sexual violence and violence against women.

– Pornography and its impact must be considered within the broader framework of primary prevention. And supporting the sexual safety and well-being of children and young people.

In this part, we summarize what the research literature tells us in terms of:

– How children and young people are exposed to or consume pornography on the internet;- the nature of the harm associated with this exposure and/or consumption; and- various factors that may mediate this harm.The implications are then considered to develop and implement initiatives to address the harms associated with online sexually explicit material. The methodological approach used to conduct the review is described in part b, literature review.

Understanding exposure to and consumption of online sexual content

Before describing the results themselves research, it is important to note the following key points.

First, “pornography” as a social problem or issue is both deeply private and deeply political. Desire, sexuality, sexual arousal, masturbation are deeply personal experiences. At the same time, pornography has also been a source of intense political, legal, and philosophical debate about censorship, civil rights, moral standards and values, sexual freedom, child protection, gender politics, sexual objectification, and violence against women. Various political and ethical perspectives influence understanding of the impact of pornography on children and young people and how best to deal with it.

Secondly, the advent of web 2.0 has significantly changed the way people communicate , communicate and communicate. Share information. Web 2.0 has transformed the world wide web from a static repository of information into a dynamic site of interaction, enabling the creation of social networks and other peer-to-peer and collaborative online platforms (thomas & sheth, 2011). Currently, the world wide web is characterized as:

– Personalized;- interactive;- convergent and interconnected;- user-driven; and- high mobility.This is a modern landscape in which young people were born. This is a landscape that many commentators have noted provides both opportunity and risk (livingstone & brake, 2010). These technological developments also took place within intersecting spheres of influence and are shaped by them, namely:

– Intrapersonal (i.E. Personality);- interpersonal (family and peers).);- Organizational and institutional conditions (eg schools);- community contexts; and- the broader socio-cultural context.Figure 1 is a visual representation of the research literature in relation to these areas of influence.

Figure 1: social-environmental context influencing on access to/exposure to online pornography

Finally, sexual violence, especially against women and children, is widespread both in australia and around the world, as shown in box 1. A long-standing study from the 1980s to the present on whether and how consumption of pornography contributes to the commission of sexual assault. In general, “causal attribution” to pornography has not been demonstrated. However, this does not mean that there is no connection. Indeed, the growing evidence base on preventing violence against women and children by addressing underlying determinants or conditions prompts us to look at:

– The messages generated by mass online pornography about gender equality and (hetero) sexuality; and- how these messages can shape the attitudes, beliefs and behaviors of children and young people in forming respectful, equal romantic/sexual/intimate relationships.Box 1: sexual abuse

Victimization

– Persons aged 19 and under make up 60% of all victims of sexual violence.- Girls and young women between the ages of 10 and 14 have the highest rates. Of sexual assault in australia.– Twenty-nine per cent of all male sexual assault victims are between the ages of 0 and 9.Crimes

– Sexual offenses committed by children and young people aged 10 to 19 increased by 36% from 2012 to 2014. – Girls and young women aged 10-17 accounted for 58% of all reported offenses committed by women from 2012 to 2013. .- Boys and young men aged 10-17 committed 16% of all reported sex crimes from 2012 to 2013.Sources: abs, 2014 and 2015; warner & bartels, 2015; casa forum, 2016.

In short, understanding the impact of pornography on children and young people must begin with defining pornography, its consumption and exposure in a broader sociocultural context. As shown in figure 2, key aspects of this include:

Digital communication technologies, platforms and practices in general. For example, what is the role and importance of technology in the lives of children and young people? How is it used for education, social connections, research, entertainment? How does this change at different stages of development? What are the practices and values among children and young people regarding the use of technology?How many risks children and young people face on the internet. For example, what are the dynamics and prevalence of cyberbullying, exploitative relationships and connections on the internet? How aware are parents, caregivers, and educators of the types of harm that can be done online? When they mean “yes”, “women often pretend to be unattainable”, “male role is to pursue women”, “women need love to have sex, men need sex to feel love”, “men physically need sex”, ” women don’t want sex.” They don’t know what they want sexually until a man shows them.”The broader determinants of sexual violence and violence against women, such as rigid stereotypes of masculinity and femininity, gender inequalities in decision-making and resources in private and social life, relationships between men and peers that justify aggression, and minimizing, justifying and rationalizing violence against women.Figure 2. Definition of pornography and its impact as a problem

Conclusions from the literature

Contexts of viewing and consumption of pornography

As can be seen from figure 1, the availability and viewing of pornography are in several contexts and, therefore, can occur through various mechanisms. Key themes from the national and international research literature on exposure to and consumption of pornography are:

– Exposure is very likely. In australia, just under half (44%) of children aged 9-16 have experienced sexual images in the past month. Of these, 16% saw images of someone having sex and 17% saw someone’s genitals. Images of this kind were more often seen by teenagers than by younger children.More recent results from the uk show that 53% of children aged 11 to 16 have at least once seen pornography on the internet, with the vast majority viewing pornography before the age of 14.- Exposure can be unintentional or intentional. Unintended routes of infection include searching for information about sexual health, relationships, or medical information on the internet and pop-up ads. Intentional may include sending referral links and intentional searches.– The extent and frequency of pornography viewing varies by gender, with men more likely to seek pornography intentionally and do so more often.– Attitudes and responses to exposure also varied across by gender: women had more negative views and reactions, such as shock or distress, compared to men, who were more likely to perceive pornography as fun, exciting, or exciting, especially in the older cohort. The negative feeling tends to decrease with repeated viewing (although it is not clear why this is the case).- Parents overestimate the impact on younger children and underestimate the degree of impact on older children (again, it is not clear why this is the case). Two main types of studies have been conducted to find out how and in what ways pornography consumption is harmful:

Experimental studies aim to test – physiologically, psychologically, cognitively – participants’ reactions to pornography viewing. They have been criticized for being artificial, as it is not known how pornography is used and incorporated into everyday life. Correlative, naturalistic research aims to understand how pornography use occurs and is incorporated into everyday life. They are limited because they are unable to test for causal relationships between pornography and exposure. There are several longitudinal studies that can provide information on changes over time.Despite the limitations of research methodologies, there appears to be consistency in what and how pornography can influence. These include:

– Knowledge, awareness and education about sex, including sexual practices, sexual health and sexual behavior;- attitudes, beliefs and expectations regarding sex;- relationships, beliefs. And expectations regarding gender;- sexual behavior and practices;- sexual aggression; and-mental health and well-being.Table 1 summarizes the main findings of the study.

In general, viewing and consumption of pornography can have a number of side effects. While some of these, such as more permissive attitudes and beliefs about sex (eg, acceptance of attitudes towards casual sex), knowledge of sexual practices and sexual practices themselves (eg, anal sex, sex with multiple partners) cannot be inherently problematic. , The most pervasive, popular and accessible pornography contains messages and behaviors about sex, gender, power and pleasure that are deeply problematic. Physical aggression (spanking, choking, gagging, hair pulling) and verbal aggression, such as name-calling, done predominantly by men towards their partners, permeate pornographic content (sun, bridges, johnson, & ezzell, 2016). In addition, this aggression often accompanies non-reciprocal sexual interactions (such as oral sex) where consent is assumed rather than negotiated.

The following section summarizes the study’s findings on the factors that mediate this harm.

– Pornography can serve as a source of information about sexual acts, sexual practices and diverse sexuality. In the absence of other explicit information available, research suggests that pornography may be a major source of sex education. The impact of this element alone is unclear.- Consistent evidence that adolescent pornography use is associated with more liberal sexual attitudes (eg, premarital sex, casual sex). However, it is not clear whether indulgent sexual relationships are inherently problematic or harmful.- Research shows that behaviors and practices in pornography can influence expectations about sex, for example. What men find pleasant, they expect from their partners, and vice versa. This can be a source of anxiety and fear.- Research also shows that the gap between expectations and reality can lead to “sexual insecurity” about sexual beliefs and values, and can also be associated with sexual frustration. – Some evidence suggests that exposure to pornography may increase the likelihood of an early first sexual experience, especially for those adolescents who view pornography more frequently. Performing common sexual activities seen in dominant heteropornography, such as: – anal intercourse;- facial ejaculation;- sex with multiple partners; and- deep blowjob.

– Research shows that teens’ use of pornography is associated with stronger beliefs in gender stereotypes, especially regarding sex. This association is stronger in men.- Male adolescents who frequently watch pornography are more likely to: hold sexist views and views of women like them, “attracting men”; and– view women as sex objects.

– Research shows increased attitudes in support of sexual violence and violence against women.– Evidence of a link between pornography consumption and sexual harassment of boys and sexual coercion of college men.- Adolescents who consumed violent pornography were six times more likely to be sexually aggressive at follow-up compared to those who viewed non-violent pornography/no. Pornography.- There are a number of overlapping risk factors that increase the likelihood that male pornography users will be sexually aggressive or have a predisposition to sexual aggression.- Stress or distress, especially among young children (ages 9-12)- girls are more likely to find pornography upsetting, demeaning, or disgusting- increased self-objectification and body-watching similar to adolescent boys and girls- sexual preoccupation, compulsive consumption, and “addiction” may be related to the frequency of pornography viewing, as well as the purposes of using pornography (for example, as a way to relieve negative conditions). Factors mediating this harm

In accordance with the above, pornography consumption is one of the risk factors among others. For example, the use of violent pornography has been associated with actual violent behavior, including sexual assault. This shows that the content (what types) of available pornography matters. There is also evidence that pre-existing understanding of sexual norms (what types of sexual activity are acceptable) affects how painful exposure to pornographic material depicting other activities is. This is especially applicable for younger children. Both age and cultural context affect exposure to sexually explicit content. How minors read pornography is also influenced in different ways, for example if they think that pornographic images depict realistic or unrealistic sexual behavior. All these factors interact with each other in different ways and, in particular, affect boys and girls differently in different age groups, which makes gender and age issues important.

Table 2 highlights some important factors influencing the perception of, interaction with, and potential exposure to pornography. They are grouped under the following headings:

Characteristic/individual factors: personal characteristics that affect perception, interaction with pornography, and exposure to pornography;context: situations in which pornography is viewed, change how how it is understood; andcontent: the main content of the pornographic image.- Gender- age- pubertal development- cultural background- religiosity- socio-economic status (ses)- sexual orientation – sexual interest- sexual experience- history of sexual violence/abuse- marital status- sensation seeking- aggression- attitudes towards violence against women- attitudes to pornography- accidental- deliberate- first encounter- frequency of use- duration of viewing- purpose- experienced state (e.G. Arousal)- with sexual partner/peers/alone- perceived realism- sex education- critical literacy- family situation- communication with parents- communication with friends- age of friends- perceived peer norms- use/non-use of condoms- women as sex objects- depiction of violence- women turned on by violence- racist stereotypes- point of view (pov)- power relations- attachmentoverall, the key points from the evidence are:

– Prevalent online pornography can have a range of negative consequences for knowledge, attitudes and beliefs about sex and gender; sexual practices; mental well-being and risk of sexual aggression.- These negative effects are mediated by the interaction between individual characteristics; contexts in which exposure and/or consumption occurs; and the content of pornography itself.- The mediating factors of individual characteristics, context and content are themselves within a generally interconnected, interactive and mobile digital world, as well as a socio-cultural context that is not gender equal and where stereotyping of women is prevalent , men and sex.Overview of issues

Together, the findings of the study show that the key issues underlying pornography-related harm are related to and how they are interrelated:

The cumulative effect of attitudes, knowledge, practices, as well as scenarios and narratives of modern pornography, in which aggression, objectification, rudeness, non-reciprocity and supposed consent to all practices and partners are the standard expression of heterosexuality;the position of this pornography in our broader cultural context, in which stereotypes about gender, sexism, sexual objectification, and supportive violence also play a role in the social ecology, in addition to the normalization of young male pornography consumption itself; andthe lack of alternative narratives, scenarios and representations of heterosexuality, female sexual activity and desire that meet the developmental and informational needs of children and young people.An important conclusion follows from this: the harms associated with the consumption of pornography must be considered both at the individual and collective levels.

At the individual level, there are a number of risk factors associated with pornography consumption that make some men more “predisposed” to sexually aggressive behavior, such as hostility to attitude towards women, low level of intelligence, antisocial inclinations. And an increased interest in impersonal sex and domination (malamuth & huppin, 2005; ybarra & mitchell, 2005):

When viewed in the context of multiple interacting factors, the results are highly consistent. Experimental and non-experimental studies in various populations showing that pornography use may be a risk factor for sexually violent outcomes, mainly for men with high levels of other risk factors and frequent pornography users. (Kingston, malamuth, fedoroff, & marshall, 2009, p. 216)

At the collective level, the three issues listed above essentially create an “echo chamber” for the sexual socialization of children and youth, especially men. As sun and colleagues noted in their study:

[Our] findings are based on the work of [other studies] illustrating the relationship between pornography viewing and male consumer attitudes and beliefs about the real world. Sexual relations. We, too, find that pornography is not just a fantasy or an individual experience for men. Instead, our findings are consistent with the theory that pornography may become the preferred sexual scenario for men, thereby influencing their expectations in the real world. (2016, p. 8)

This means that initiatives to address the negative effects of pornography must also address these overlapping issues. This is discussed in the next section.

Figure 3. A summary of the main factors influencing exposure to pornography.

The implications of our analysis are that pornography and its impacts should be within the broader framework of primary prevention and support for the sexual safety and well-being of children and young people. This includes continuing to develop a comprehensive prevention system based on a public health approach to preventing sexual harm, violence and abuse that draws on knowledge of child development, situational crime prevention and prevention education (quadara, nagy, higgins, & siegel , 2014). ), As well as more tertiary responses such as legal and regulatory strategies.

The following sections describe activities and initiatives taken at the national and international levels.

The australian government’s most recent intervention was the senate inquiry into harm to australian children through access to internet pornography, which issued four recommendations in november 2016. The senate committee recommended:

– A special study on the impact of pornographic material on children and young people, mainly in relation to internet pornography;- the establishment of an expert group composed of professionals from various fields to provide policy advice to the australian government. ; – A review of state and territory public policy on responding to allegations of peer-to-peer sexual violence in schools and educational materials for teachers and others working with children and youth; and- an assessment by the australian government of the information available to parents/guardians and teachers regarding online safety and risks, including a review of the website of the office of the electronic safety commissioner.Other australian government and non-government agencies have taken steps to reduce the exposure of children and young people to online risks, including pornography, and have implemented harm minimization strategies.

Three main types of intervention have been identified:

– Legal and regulatory options existing legislation regarding online pornography;- education for children and young people; and-education and resources for teachers and parents.This section provides an overview of government and non-government interventions, with a focus on those directed at parents/guardians and teachers. The first section describes the three interventions listed above and discusses examples of each, including interventions related to technology-assisted sexual violence. The second section focuses primarily on the resources available to parents/guardians and an overview of their advice on mediation and communication, two key methods used when discussing children’s and young people’s experiences with online pornography. The third and final section provides an overview of the resources available to teachers and discusses a whole school approach that places the school at the center of healthy sexual development in children and young people.

Legal interventions

The children’s online safety improvement act 2015 (cth) was enacted in australia to oversee addressing issues related to the digital activities of children and young people. Part of its function was to create an office of the electronic safety commissioner, an independent statutory a body dedicated to providing “online safety education for australian children and youth, a complaint service for young australians who are severely cyberbullied and combating illegal content through the online content scheme” (office of the electronic security commissioner, 2016). The online content scheme restricts access to illegal and offensive material using measures provided by the national classification scheme (rc, x18+, r18+, ma15+) and the office of the electronic security commissioner has the authority to remove illegal or offensive content in accordance with the broadcast services act 1992 (canada).

Tech-assisted sexual assault

Some argue that “more needs to be done both within and outside the law” » to address the effects of sexual assault using technology (funnell, 2015; henry & powell, 2016, p. 398). Criticism of legal interventions draws attention to the lag between technological development and technology-based sexual assault legislation (powell & henry, 2016b). Indeed, in 2016, only victoria and south australia had specific legislation to govern the distribution of intimate images without consent. New south wales (australian associated press [aap], 2016), northern territory (poulson, 2016) and western australia (government of western australia, 2016.) Have announced plans to implement such legislation, while tasmania, the australian capital territory and queensland have not declared their intention to enact such legislation (see table 4). 474.17 of the criminal code act 1995 (cth) refers to telecommunications offenses that can potentially be used to charge offenders with crimes, including sharing intimate images without their consent. In addition, commonwealth law can also be used to charge perpetrators with child porn offenses if the intimate image depicts a person under the age of 18 (attorney general’s department, submission 28: a phenomenon colloquially referred to as “revenge porn”, 2015). The children’s online safety improvement act of 2015 “has the power to report websites or social networking services that host harmful content and require the removal of that content” (senate legal and constitutional review committee, 2016, p. .39). Researchers, legal experts, and social service workers generally support more specific commonwealth legislation to provide legal definition and federal management of this important issue (senate legal and constitutional review committee, 2016). Other legal strategies include the australian online cybercrime reporting network, which has processed some 489 online complaints of inconsistent sharing of intimate images since its inception in 2014 (senate legal and constitutional review committee, 2016).

In addition to legal interventions, the commonwealth government recently pledged an additional $10 million to combat domestic violence in australia, including support for victims of tech-assisted sexual abuse (cash & porter, 2016). Funding comes from the overall budget of the national plan to reduce violence against women and their children 2010-2022. Public funds are expected to “improve research and education to counter the risk of technology-based abuse, ensuring that women’s privacy and safety are protected and that young people understand the consequences of their actions” (cash & porter, 2016). In particular, the funds are designed to combat virtual violence by:

– Creating a complaint and support line through which victims can report revenge pornography and receive immediate and tangible support; and-providing youth with information and education about pornography and its social consequences (cash & porter, 2016).Special training for those working in the criminal justice sectors is needed to develop best practices for managing sexual violence with the application of technology and ensure the effectiveness of remedies. Continuing professional development is essential and is already implemented in organizations that specifically provide legal and/or support services to women (powell & henry, 2016; senate legal and constitutional review committee, 2016). Specialized training for police officers is particularly important to their work in assisting victims in filing and handling cases (powell & henry, 2016; senate legal and constitutional review committee, 2016).

Education for children and youth

Australia has several key educational resources for children and youth in primary and secondary school age (listed in table 5). The list includes some resources that may not have a direct attitudes towards online pornography, but can be adapted in a variety of ways to provide such information to children and young people.

The national school curriculum begins to teach children about bodies, boundaries and relationships at a fundamental level up to 1 and 2 years (i.E. 6 and 7 years old). The national curriculum provides schools with learning resources covering a variety of topics relating to sexual health, body development, respect, safety and identity (australian curriculum assessment and accountability authority, 2016). The scope of this education expands at the secondary school level to include sexuality and encourages students to reflect on their experiences with the media and its impact on personal attitudes, beliefs, decisions and behaviors (australian curriculum assessment and accountability authority, 2016. ).

The most recent resources are materials on sustainability, rights and respect for victorian schools.This resource provides social, emotional and gender education for children and youth from 1 to 12 years old, covering the following eight topics according to age:

– Emotional literacy;- personal strengths; – positive coping;- problem solving;- stress management;- seeking help;- gender and identity; and- positive gender relations.From basic to level 6: education in gender, social and emotional skills is provided, but as in other victorian school programs, education in sexuality (including discussion of pornography) does not start until levels 7 and 8.

Levels 7-8: the resource offers information and activities related to gender, gender identity, gender-based violence, and the use of technology and media platforms for gender ideologies to provide helping develop critical literacy and encouraging positive attitudes. Topics covered include:

– Impact of gender norms on health;- gender-based violence;- pornography with a focus on a critical reading of gender and power; and-sexting with a focus on legal issues.Levels 9-10: social and emotional skills development activities are included, which are noted as an entry platform for teaching positive gender relations, in particular with existing programs such as as “building respectful relationships: combating gender violence” (levels 8, 9 and 10).

Levels 11-12: activities and details on the topics of gender and identity and positive gender relations are included.

Gender and identity subsections include:

– Exploring gender stereotypes;- gender literacy and gender norms;- male and female gender norms;- privilege and gender; and- gender equality.Subsections on the topic of positive gender relations include:

– What is gender-based violence?;- Attitudes related to gender. -Violence;- approval of standards and boundaries in relationships; and- pornography, gender and intimacy.The last subsection defines pornography as “a means of communication and norm-forming within gender relations, especially when this pornography also includes acts of violence against women” ( department of education and training, 2016, p. 105). In the materials, teachers are invited to consider the following questions in group discussions:

– “Increased aggression on the part of a man and extreme actions that cause discomfort in female partners;- female partners should look pleased with these actions ;- female partners must cater to male partners;- forced viewing of pornography through text messages or social media;- the impact of pornography on what men think should happen between them and their partner ;- belief that pornography reflects real sexual situations;- emotional manipulation to enforce compliance;- lack of opportunities for discussion and education of young people;- normalization of pornographic activities. ;- Distortion of what is pleasurable;- access to pornography before access to reliable and quality sex education;- potential impact on young children; and – the predominant use of pornography by men and boys. .” (2016, p. 105)digital and sexual literacy

Digital literacy and exposure to explicit online content may lead children to develop sexual literacy differently from previous generations, in particular in response to pornography as contemporary sexuality education for children and young people (crabbe, 2016; fileborn, 2016; flood, 2016) to contextualize the role of parents/guardians and teachers in the digital and sexual literacy of children and young people, two key reports: the high-wire act report (2011) and the speak, speak, often (2012) guide. In particular, the speak, speak soon, often guide offers advice to parents/guardians not knowing how to communicate with their children about sex he draws attention to the fact that although parents/guardians may not bring up such topics, children have already begun to “learn some important messages that will lay the foundation for their sexual development” from the context, different from the family environment (walsh, 2012, p. 6). He suggests that there are four main contexts in which children and young people form early ideas about bodies, relationships, sexuality, and gender:

– At home;-school life; – screen time; and-online relationships.Talk soon talk often encourages open communication between children and parents, similar to the online resource it’s time we talked, which says that “young people say that their parents, especially their mothers, are the most reliable for them and the source of information used about sexual matters” (reality & risk project, 2016). Similarly, schools have been cited as a key place to play an important role in ensuring that children and young people process exposure to online pornography in a healthy way. The high-wire law states: “schools are best placed to support students in cybersecurity. Raising awareness among young people before or after computers are introduced into the curriculum can be a preventive step to ensure that young people are better equipped. Against the risks they may face online” (cyber-safety, j. S. C. O. 2011, pp. 40–1).

Critical thinking

“The time we talked about” specifically asks young people to question pornography, stating, “viewing porn may seem normal. But what does porn say? Who makes it and why? And what does all this mean for you? (Project “reality and risk”, 2016). Asking such questions encourages viewers to reflect on the messages contained in online pornography and promotes discussion while respecting the agency of the young people involved. This is an important alternative to portraying young people as passive participants in the consumption of online pornography.

Equipment of children and young people with the tools to critically engage with the media is important for them to understand the difference between online pornography and their sexual relationships in real life. Time to talk gives advice on this:

We need to teach young people to “read” images and develop schemas that will enable them to understand and criticize what they see. . They need to understand that the media is often designed to promote something desirable and necessary, while at the same time conveying a range of other messages—those about power, gender, class, and culture, for example. (Reality & risk project, 2016)

Finding parents/guardians

Parents/guardians are encouraged to surf the internet and social media to be aware of current online – the dangers and opportunities their children face (office of the electronic safety commissioner, 2016; think u know, 2016). Parents/guardians are less likely to fear online risks if they are informed and take an active role in their children’s digital lives (office of the e-safety commissioner, 2016).

The think u know (2016) stated that “understanding how young people use the internet and what they like to do will help you recognize any suspicious or inappropriate behavior. Understand the online environment.”

The office of the electronic security commissioner offers practical technical advice to parents/guardians that they can give their children, for example:

– Instruct children “immediately leave or close the page or minimize the screen if they are disturbed by what they see (press control-alt-delete if the site does not allow you to exit)”; – teaching children “not to open spam emails and not to click on pop-up windows, prize offers or unfamiliar hyperlinks on websites”; – encourage children to “report offensive content to the site administrator (for example, use ‘flag’ or ‘report’ links); related content)” (office of the electronic security commissioner, 2016).Other advice for parents/guardians generally falls into two categories: harm minimization, mediation, and communication. The combination of these two approaches offers an effective strategy for minimizing exposure to online pornography and helping children and youth make sense of their experiences (office of the e-safety commissioner, 2016; reality & risk project, 2016). ; Think and know, 2016). Mediation includes strategies such as installing filter software to reduce risk exposure (office of the e-safety commissioner, 2016; think u know, 2016). Tools to support communication include guides for parents/guardians to discuss online pornography with their children; and schemes to encourage critical reflective skills in children (office of the e-safety commissioner, 2016; reality & risk project, 2016; think and know, 2016). Such communication also strengthens the trusting relationship between parents/guardians and children, which is considered to protect the health and well-being of children (katz, lee & byrne, 2015). In addition, a trusting parent/guardian-child relationship is key to disclosing negative online experiences, should they occur (office of the e-safety commissioner, 2016).

Mediation

The office of the electronic safety commissioner warned parents/guardians, stating: “you can teach your child strategies for dealing with offensive material, but be vigilant, especially if your child is risk-averse or emotionally or psychologically vulnerable” (office of the electronic security commissioner, 2016). Parental control is essential in harm minimization strategies, including exposure to risk associated with online pornography (childnet int. 2016). The following are the main mediation tactics that parents/guardians use to prevent risk and ensure age-appropriate online activities.

Filtering

Parents/guardians are encouraged. Use filtering software as a way to control children’s internet access (office of the e-safety commissioner, 2016; think u know, 2016). Filtering is available through isps as well as individual websites and can be customized based on the age of the user. For example, websites such as google and youtube provide adults with the ability to turn on filters to control what content is searchable. For children. And young people. However, the changing nature of children and young people accessing the internet from laptops or desktops to smartphones makes filtering online content much more difficult (ofcom, 2015). Think u know (2016) offers links to information about parental controls, stating that they can “allow you to restrict access to content” on smartphones and tablets. In addition, think u know states that restricting online access “ensures that your children can only access content that is appropriate for their age,” as children require parental permission to access unknown websites.

Setting a rule

Most resources encourage setting rules, and both schools and parents/guardians are encouraged to sign contracts with children and young people that set out the conditions for their appropriate use of the internet (think u know, 2016). Think u know (2016) offers parents a downloadable “family online safety contract” and states:

It is important to remember that many of the activities and challenges we face online are no different than those we are facing. In the real world. This means that our behavioral expectations should also apply online. It’s a good idea to talk to your child about your family values and how they apply to online behavior. One way to encourage this discussion is to co-create an internet safety family compact so that everyone knows what is expected of them when they are online.

Other rules include open and time-limited use internet. , As stated on the it’s time we talked website: “young people’s access to pornography is primarily through technology, so limiting exposure will require restricting and managing their access to technology. Usage time limits” (reality & risk project, 2016).

Social media participation

The office of the electronic security commissioner and think u know both discuss the benefits social media, and parents/guardians are advised on a range of ways to support their children in participating in social media. For example:

– Engage and support children in communicating with friends and family online and in real life (irl);- check the terms of use and age restrictions on social networking sites; – setting rules, such as having children inform their parents when they join a new social network and/or before sharing personal photos or information; – helping children create an online alias, not indicating their gender, age, or location; and- ensuring maximum safety for children’s social networking profiles (office of the e-safety commissioner, 2016).In addition, parents/guardians are encouraged to create their own accounts on social networking sites as a way to stay involved with your children’s social media activities and as a means of learning about social media safety. Think u know also offers parents newsletters on popular social media sites such as snapchat, instagram, twitter, youtube, tinder, and facebook.

Communication

Parents/caregivers’ understanding and awareness of online pornography is critical to how they communicate to their children about the associated risk of harm.The time to talk website contains information, advice, and practical tools ranging from research on the distribution of online pornography to advice on how to initiate discussions. Importantly, this resource highlights the key role of parents/guardians in spreading awareness of the new reality of online pornography and promoting the healthy development of children and youth (reality & risk project, 2016).

The web the time to talk website, developed by the reality and risk project, contains information specifically designed to educate young people about pornography. Another clearinghouse, think u know, has developed a cybersecurity and protection guide to help parents/guardians educate their children about a range of online risks. The office of the electronic safety commissioner has compiled guidelines for parents/guardians who wish to discuss online risks with their children. Likewise, time to talk offers tips on how to have a conversation about online pornography and encourage critical thinking, as well as information for parents/guardians on supporting and helping their children develop their skills continuously. These are discussed in more detail below.

Advice and support

Parental support for children and young people exposed to online pornography is critical to their ability to process their experiences in healthy ways. Support is usually described as the ability of parents/guardians to initiate an open conversation about their experiences (office of the e-safety commissioner, 2016). The e-safety commissioner offers tips for supporting children, including:

– “Encourage them to talk to a trusted adult if they see something online that upsets, alarms or upsets them; – assure them that they will not be denied access to the internet if they report inappropriate content; – ask them not to reply if they receive something inappropriate.”- (Office of the children’s e-safety commissioner, 2016, what can i do if my child sees offensive content? Paragraph 2)in addition, the office of the electronic safety commissioner notifies parents/guardians of potentially the devastating effects of sexting on children and young people, and encourages them to discuss sexting as a family.However, most of the advice provided on the website discusses sexting in terms of child audience awareness and digital footprint.For example, it states that parents should :

– “Encourage them to think twice before posting sexually explicit photos, and consider the fact that others may view what they post;- remind them to consider feelings others when taking photos and sharing any content using a mobile phone or on the internet.” (Office of the e-safety commissioner, 2016, encouraging thinking first, paragraph 1)digital footprint and context collapse

Social media rules in are largely articulated in terms of the digital footprint and are often referred to in terms of reputation management. For example, online resources offer the following information about social media and digital footprints:

– “Young people should be encouraged to stop and think before posting or sharing anything online … many employers, universities and sports groups will search for applicants or potential members online before offering them a job or contract” (think u know, 2016, p. 22). And remind them that once shared, information and photos may become difficult or impossible to remove, and this may have long-term consequences for their digital reputation” (office of the e-safety commissioner, 2016, “encouraging thinking first”, paragraph 1 ). ).Thus, these resources build on the importance of audience awareness in the face of the collapse of the internet space, especially social media, which gives users a sense of symbolic control. Advising parents/guardians to warn their children about the context collapse and the digital footprint they create as a result of their online behavior is a way of drawing attention to the broader issue of online security/privacy and the impact that a culture of sharing can have on future. Activities and personalities.

Continuing skill development

Time to talk website offers practical advice for parents/guardians that they can use to encourage continuous skill development in children and youth. A section titled “equip them with skills” invites “discuss the types of situations they might face and explore options for how they might respond” (reality & risk project, 2016, “equip them with skills, paragraph 3). He offers the following tips:

– Parents should discuss any issues kids have online regarding peer pressure or web content that makes them feel uncomfortable, creative, and collaborative . – Parents and children can develop coping strategies for difficult situations, “for example, if they text you with their name, you know to call them and ask them to come home so they have an easy excuse to leave” ( reality). & Risk project, 2016, empower them, paragraph 3)in addition, the office of the electronic security commissioner (2016) has developed chatterbox for parents, a “conversational, practical guide” that informs parents/ guardians on “when to worry and when to celebrate the benefits that the online world brings.” Each conversation focuses on specific safety issues, behaviors, and basics to help you understand what’s going on behind the screens (office of the e-safety commissioner, 2016).

Teachers and schools

State and territory departments of education have developed specific policies regarding the management of cybersecurity in schools. The office of the electronic security commissioner has recommended that individual schools establish an online security team to develop and implement policies that promote cybersecurity (office of the electronic security commissioner, 2016). Schools are encouraged to consult broadly with the school community, including teachers and support workers, students and parents/guardians, on online risks and harm minimization (office of the e-safety commissioner, 2016). Schools are also encouraged to use the national resource “smart e-schools” to help develop cybersecurity policies and strategies.

Schools as a key parameter

Quality sexuality education for children and youth has been identified as a protective factor to minimize the harm caused by viewing pornography on the internet (pratt, 2015). The it’s time we talked website notes that: “schools are increasingly required to respond to incidents of sexually explicit imagery, including sexting incidents involving the dissemination of sexual images of students” (ireality & risk project, 2016, “why is porn a problem for schools?”, Paragraph 1). Indeed, key resources for teachers and schools see schools as ideal settings for addressing youth exposure to online pornography:

– “Many schools are already familiar with the basics of health promotion and are already engaged in related and additional work such as programs on respectful relationships, cybersecurity, violence prevention, and sexuality education” (reality & risk project, 2016, why schools? Paragraph 4). – “Schools can engage students about the impact of explicit sexual imagery as part of a comprehensive curriculum with highly trained professionals and access to quality resources” (reality & risk project, 2016, why schools? Paragraph 6). – “Teachers and other school staff have a responsibility to take reasonable steps to protect students from the risks of injury, including those that may be encountered in an online learning environment” (det (vic.), 2017, oversight, para. 1).Schools are encouraged to:

– “Arrange for policies and codes of conduct to be sent home for parents to sign or review;- to establish a contact person or individuals as the first a point of contact for students, staff, and parents in the event of a cybersecurity issue – review policies and procedures annually as technology and its use evolve rapidly.” (Office of the electronic security commissioner, 2016, policy development and implementation) , paragraphs 4-6)in addition, the high voltage act recommends that schools implement policy frameworks and install internet filters as required by their state or territory governments (cyber-safety, j.S.C.O. 2011). It has been suggested that close monitoring of students using computers in school has helped provide additional support and protection (2011).

Recently there have been calls for more modern and better sex education. In schools. A recent nationwide survey of 600 young australian women found that “over a third” of respondents would like access to “a more comprehensive education on sexuality and respectful relationships” (plan international australia & our watch, 2016, p. 3).In addition, young women wanted such education to “extend into criticism and discussion of pornography … and how violent and degrading pornography negatively affects the attitudes of young australians, as well as the attitudes of boys and young men towards sex in general” (plan international australia & our see, 2016, p. 3).

Whole school approach

The whole school approach to combating the consequences of online pornography is a collaborative framework that promotes healthy sexuality in a variety of contexts, not just in sex education classes (reality & risk project, 2016). All members of the school community, including parents/guardians, teachers and students, are involved in this approach, as outlined in it’s time to talk, a whole school approach ensures that consistent messages are communicated at all levels of the school. Communities (reality and risk project, 2016). Schools have been cited as key sources of information about online parental control risks and related online harms (office of the e-safety commissioner, 2016; det (vic.), 2016).

Resource catching on everywhere (department of education and early childhood development [deecd] 2008) for the victorian school curriculum promotes a whole school, health-promoting approach to sex education that includes multiple contexts. It notes that the whole school approach consists of “cross-cutting and interrelated areas: curriculum, teaching and learning, school organization, ethics and the environment, and community services and parent partnerships” (deecd, 2008, p. 12). Similarly, leading australian sex educator marie crabbe is calling for a whole school and community approach to combating the effects of online pornography on children and young people and has co-developed in the picture for this purpose (reality & risk project, 2016).

Overview of approaches in australia

At the level of primary prevention, a key takeaway from expanding research and lessons learned is that considering exposure to pornography as a separate issue, unrelated to the broader the context in which it is used, consumed and interpreted is unlikely to be effective in reducing its negative impact/impact on children and young people. It is likely to be more effective to incorporate the issue of online pornography into existing and proven curricula and approaches to:

– Respectful relationships and quality sex education that is designed and delivered according to best practices. Principles; and- education in media and digital literacy.These curricula can provide children and youth with a holistic framework and set of tools related to:

– What contributes respectful attitude; how power, gender and equality are interconnected, as well as strategies for challenging and rethinking dominant narratives about (hetero)sex, gender difference, sexual pleasure and sexual relationships; , and the ability to be critical of media representations.Together, they provide an important framework to which online security and cyber security strategies can be added. It is also critical to build the capacity of parents and teachers to address gender issues, sex and pornography with children and young people in their care. This is currently a concern for many teachers and parents. In particular, a number of resources are available for parents; however, as with children and young people themselves, it is important to have a broader framework on gender, equality and sex.

Exposure of children and young people to online pornography is increasingly a concern for governments and legislators. Around the world (werrett, 2010; valcke, de wever, van keer, & schellens, 2011; petley, 2014). Australia and comparable countries have introduced similar measures in various contexts to reduce the potential harms associated with the involvement of children and youth in online pornography. The overall goals of such interventions are to protect minors, promote healthy sexual and digital literacy, and promote greater consistency in the regulation and behavior of online and offline spaces (chang, 2010; laouris, aristodemou, & fountana ). , 2011; jones, tom, davoren & barry, 2013). This section will provide an overview of international interventions with a particular focus on countries with governments and social structures comparable to australia, such as new zealand, the united kingdom (uk), canada, the united states (us) and europe. The sections below discuss key examples of interventions related to legislation and governance, research, sex education, and resources for parents/guardians regarding the risk of their children being exposed to internet pornography.

Laws and governance

Legislation and guidelines delimit those aspects of the internet that may lead children and young people to be exposed to online pornography ( levin, 2010). Although the guidelines are not legally enforceable, they provide isps, social networking sites and, in some cases, mobile network operators with self-regulatory mechanisms and reporting protocols that allow for standardized evaluation activities (de haan, van der hof, beckers, & pijpers, 2013; newman & bach, 2004; sarabdeen & de-miguel-molina, 2010). Including industry in government e-security initiatives helps keep the government abreast of digital developments and trends and engages stakeholders in important decision-making, and can increase industry commitment to security strategies (de haan et al. 2013; newman and bach , 2004). Implementation of government initiatives, such as the uk family filtering scheme, would not be possible without a working relationship between the government and major isps (leitch & warren, 2015). More on this below.

Table 6 shows important legislation and related guidelines that have been implemented to reduce the exposure of children and youth to pornography. In many cases, internet filters play a key role in these rules and are applied with different effects. Recent legislation has yet to be assessed and indeed uk legislation is yet to be enacted. The human rights guiding principles are included here because of their supposed self-regulatory impact on social networking sites, mobile phone operators and isps.

Harmful digital communications act 2015

Section 7 approved agency: netsafe

Digital economy bill 2016

Section 6 approved agency act: ofcom

Children online protection act of 2000

Scope: federally funded schools and libraries

National criminal and civil law provisions regarding child pornography. Individual provinces have adopted their own laws against “revenge porn” and cyberbullying (nobullying, 2015)

No specific laws regarding children and young people’s access to explicit online content.

Human rights guide for online game providers

Human rights guide for internet service providers

Safer social networking principles for the eu

European framework for the safe use of mobile devices by young adolescents and children

New zealand

Although new zealand does not have specific legislation in against children and the impact of online explicit content on young people, the new zealand government passed the harmful digital communications act in 2015 to combat cyberbullying. Since its adoption, it has been used effectively in digital harassment and “revenge porn” prosecutions (see article). Part 1 of the act states that it was designed “to establish and maintain relationships with domestic and foreign service providers, hosts and online content agencies” and “to provide education and advice on online safety policies and behavior on the internet” ( part 1, subsection 2, p. 8). The law also designated an approved agency, netsafe, to provide information and resources on e-security in new zealand (more on this in the following sections on resources and social marketing (netsafe, 2016)). In addition, the law has worked to formalize government-industry partnerships to ensure better regulation and compliance with industry requirements. The harmful digital communications act has established partnerships between the government and companies such as google, facebook and twitter that allow the government to remove harmful content from these websites.

Uk

The digital economy bill 2016 was introduced in the house of commons in july 2016 and aims to regulate and improve digital activities, as well as “provide important protection for citizens from email spam and harassment calls and protect children from online pornography” (uk parliament, 2016). Part 3 of the digital economy bill deals specifically with online pornography and child protection.While other parts of the bill address issues such as intellectual property and access to digital services, part 3 establishes a new law for commercial pornography websites that will strictly enforce age verification requirements. In addition, the government plans to work with the commercial pornography industry, age verification providers, and payment service providers such as visa and paypal to promote greater enforcement of industry regulations to limit underage consumption of online pornography.

Government concerns about children’s and young people’s access to online pornography also led to a government-wide internet filtering scheme which was implemented across the uk through major isps in 2013 (leitch & warren, 2015). This scheme was part of a partnership between the government and industry, in which four major providers delivered automatic pornography filters over their internet connection to limit minors’ access to explicit online content (leitch & warren, 2015). Although the scheme contained an “opt out” clause for adults, the filter was condemned as a violation of freedom of expression rights, namely because it blocked broadly defined sexual content, including information about sexuality, sexual health and well-being, and lgbtqi communities (leitch & warren , 2015).

Usa

In the us, the children’s online protection act of 2000 was passed to promote child engagement and content. The law introduced a strict filtering policy requiring federally funded schools and libraries to block online material inappropriate for children and young people under 17 (haynes, chaltain, ferguson, hudson, & thomas, 2003). The law has been widely criticized for violating the right to freedom of expression, especially with regard to blocking information about sexuality, sexual health and well-being, and lgbt communities (ala, 2006; haynes et al. 2003).

Canada

As mentioned above, there are no specific laws in canada governing children’s and teens’ access to explicit online content, nor nationwide legislation governing the general electronic safety of children and youth. . However, non-governmental organizations as well as individual provincial governments have developed their own laws and guidelines to promote healthy digital habits. For example, the cleanfeed project was created by the canadian child welfare center in 2007 to block child pornography websites (cybertip, 2016). In addition, the nova scotia cyberbullying act is an example of unsuccessful judicial intervention where cyberbullying laws were found to violate the right to freedom of expression (ruskin, 2015).

Europe

Individual european countries have developed their own legislation regarding e-security and digital activities. However, guidelines for europe as a global region have been adopted by many countries and mainly contain self-regulatory principles to guide industry practices (council of europe, 2008; european commission, 2009). De haan et al. (2013, p. 111) note that governments may prefer self-regulatory tactics for digital industries, noting that:

Government officials often assume that industry professionals are highly experienced and technical knowledge. The use of this knowledge and experience is expected to lead to greater compliance and efficiency, as rules of thumb can be more easily developed, as well as greater efficiency, due to lower information collection costs for the state.

In 2009, most of the major social networking sites in europe implemented the safer social networking principles as a self-regulatory mechanism. A 2013 evaluation of the initiative emphasized that the principles “should be seen in light of the ongoing dialogue on child online safety and the respective roles of other stakeholders such as parents, government, police, civil society and social media users themselves” ( de haan et al. Et al. 2013, p. 118). As mentioned above, the implementation was rated as ineffective in terms of age-appropriate content and safety for children and young people.

The evaluation of the concept of safe use of mobile devices also highlighted the importance of stakeholder participation in successfully addressing e-commerce challenges. Security.The european commission found that the implementation of the system was effective; however, further recommendations for the system included classifying commercial content to provide age-appropriate content for minors and parental controls to block online content on their children’s devices (de haan et al. 2013).

Sex education

The united nations population fund (unfpa; 2016, comprehensive sexuality education review, paragraph 2) states that:

Comprehensive sexuality education empowers young people to protect their health, well-being and dignity. And because these programs are based on human rights principles, they promote gender equality and the empowerment of young people.

Furthermore, comprehensive sexuality education, as defined by the united nations, must provide age-appropriate information that includes understanding the developmental milestones of children and adolescents, and engaging parents/guardians and the wider community to promote healthy sexual development in a variety of contexts (unfpa, 2016). While many european countries provide sex education as described by the united nations, many states in the us continue to resist such programs. In this regard, the last two models are often used as advanced models of sex education. Table 7 describes aspects of this education, including the ways in which the government prescribes sex education, the dominant structure behind the programs, and the assessments of this education available.

Resources

Free online sources have been developed around the world similar to australia, providing information on e-security and online pornography specifically targeted at parents/guardians, teachers, children and youth. Table 8 presents key resources from new zealand, the uk and europe and discusses key aspects of the materials they provide and their evaluation.

Information for parents/guardians on how to manage exposure on their children. To online pornography.Effective mediation:

– Open and honest discussion- technical skills and skill development- engaging parents in children’s digital lives- normalization responseineffective mediation:

– Internet filters- overreaction- accusation.Online complaint mechanism available.

Harm minimization tactics recommended for parents/guardians:parental control (setting rules, filters)

– Open and honest discussions between parents/guardians and children- parent involvement in children’s digital lives.An online reporting mechanism.Childline also acts as a reporting mechanism that records children and young people’s complaints and concerns about online issues. A recent childline survey found that children and young people in the uk are concerned about internet pornography and porn addiction (howse, 2015).

Describes itself as a digital and media literacy centre.Information for parents /guardians on how to control their children’s exposure to online pornography.

Effective mediation:

– Open and honest discussion to develop critical literacy in children– internet filters.Ineffective mediation:

– Overreaction.We reviewed what the available research evidence says about the impact of online browsing and consumption -pornography affects children and young people from the point of view of children and young people:

– Knowledge and attitudes towards sex;- sexual behavior and practice; equality;- behavior and practices within their own intimate, sexual or romantic relationships; and- the risk of being subjected to or committing sexual violence.The table below outlines the scope and strategy for conducting evidence scanning.

– Prevalence and nature of exposure to online pornography among children and youth- degree of pornography consumption among children and youth- what is known about the impact of pornography on sexual practice, sexual behavior, relationships , attitudes towards gender and sexuality, self-esteem -respect- what risk and protective factors in social ecology are associated with these effects- what conceptual and explanatory models are available to explain these relationships- academic and peer-reviewed studies using key databases such as psychinfo, socindex, proquest- obscure literature- publication date range 2005-15- relevant international context: canada; new zealand; usa; great britain; ireland.- Educational campaigns- community educational campaigns- websites, toolkits, resources- curriculachildren and youth digital lives

We live in a technology-rich world (boyd, 2014; james, 2009; park, 2014; prensky, 2001; van dijk, 2013). With the advent of web 2.0, the world wide web has evolved from a static repository of information to a dynamic interaction site that enables the creation of social networks and other peer-to-peer and collaborative online platforms (thomas & sheth, 2011). The digital revolution of the last decade has created “widespread access to personalized, interactive, convergent, ubiquitous technologies for networking information and communication processes” (livingstone & haddon, 2012, p. 1). Technological developments such as smartphones, wireless networks and social media platforms have driven major changes in business, marketing, entertainment and education, creating marked intergenerational differences (australian communications and media authority [acma], 2016; bolton et al. 2013; holmes, 2011; park, 2014).

A generation can be defined as “an age group that acquires social significance by virtue of constituting itself as a cultural identity” (edmunds & turner, 2002). , Page 7). Research on the impact of new technologies describes children who are proficient with digital technologies as “networked generation” (tapscott, 1996) and “digital natives” (prensky, 2001). The australian bureau of statistics (abs) has defined children of the 21st century as “digital generation”, that is “it-savvy kids who have never known life without a computer or the internet” (abs, 2011, p. 1). In this sense, the second generation of digital natives is maturing in the modern world (orlando & attard, 2016). While some scholars question the usefulness of the term “digital natives” (boyd, 2014; buckingham & willett, 2006; helsper & eynon, 2010), there is an undeniable “link between youth and technological competencies” that often begins early in development. In children (orlando & attard, 2016, p. 109). In comparison, those who grew up without the internet are often referred to as “digital immigrants” (prensky, 2001). The internet is important to many children and young people, and its use has been explored in psychology, human development, and education (burnett & daniels, 2015; cooper, quayle, jonsson, & svedin, 2016; lynch & redpath). , 2014; orlando & attard, 2016; stephen & plowman, 2008), in addition to new legal and policy challenges (arcabascio, 2010; children’s online safety improvement act 2015; lee & crofts, 2015; stone, 2011; tallon et al. 2012).

This chapter is divided into three sections that describe the context and key characteristics of the digital lives of children and young people. Consequences of online pornography. The first section describes the main features of the use of the internet by children and young people aged 5 to 18 living in australia and comparable countries. The second section describes the risks associated with the use of the internet by children and young people, in particular their behavior in sexting and exposure to online pornography. The meaning-creating aspect of internet use will be discussed in the concluding section, highlighting the cultural significance of the internet for the identity-building project in childhood and adolescence.

Early digital literacy

Abs found that between 2011 and 2012, the likelihood of children going online increased with age:

– Seventy-nine percent of children aged 5-8;- ninety-six percent of children 9-11 years old; and- ninety-eight per cent of children aged 12-14 (abs, 2012).In the uk, 39% of children aged 3-4 years used the internet, with older children more likely to go online , reflecting australia, and 98% of 12-15 year olds with internet access (ofcom, 2015).Many factors influence the age and conditions of children’s first access to and use of the internet, including the influence of older siblings, family conditions, educational opportunities, and cultural capital, which refers to “forms of personal knowledge, skills, education, and benefits” that parents/guardians pass on to their children (bourdieu, 1986; dunt, hage, & kelaher, 2010, p. 291; mclean & edwards, 2015; o’hara, 2011).

Important, cultural capital influences the health and educational outcomes of children (andersen & jaeger, 2015; dunt et al. 2010; huang & liang, 2016). Indeed, cultural capital has a major impact on digital literacy, defined as “a multidimensional construct that includes the ability to access, analyse, evaluate and create online content” (livingstone & helpers, 2010, p. 3) and “a hybrid of functional skills and social practices” (dodge, husain & duke, 2011, p. 87). The digital divide or differences in digital literacy both within and between generations are partly caused by cultural capital, that is, the ability, ability and confidence to use digital technologies (buckingham & willett, 2006). As with other literacy skills, digital literacy is a learned skill that is highly influenced by the child’s home environment and the wider social and cultural context (livingstone & helsper, 2010). Currently, digital literacy develops from early childhood, and child-friendly technologies such as the tablet computer “act as a platform for young children to consume digital media and related popular culture” (garvis, 2015, p. 28).

When starting early learning, “many young children bring with them a broad understanding and experience of making sense with digital tools and in a digital environment” (burnett & daniels, 2015, p. 19). Indeed, research shows that “the early and limited use of the internet by primary school children means that, in terms of social inclusion, the internet provides opportunities for learning, play, and social development” (nansen, chakraborty, gibbs, macdougall, & vetere, 2012, p. 239).

Children, youth, and internet access

Au kids online studied places where children and teens aged 9-16 visited most of the time. Internet from and found:

– Ninety-six percent access the internet from school and at home; and- 31% go online when they are “outside” (green, brady, olafsson, hartley, & lumby, 2011).More than half of all teens are online on more than one device and at various times throughout the day, in line with recent trends in online behavior among australian adults (acma, 2016). Both children and young people in australia access the internet using a variety of devices other than desktop and laptop computers, including converged technologies such as tablets and smartphones, and their use depends on where and when they connect (abs, 2011 , 2012; acma, 2016). Convergent technologies describe the combination of separate forms of media and communication in a single device (acma, 2009). For example, the smartphone acts as a convergence point for “social, replicative and mobile media” and is a popular form of convergent technology (hjorth, burgess, & richardson, 2012, p. 1).

Home internet access

Over the past ten years, there has been significant progress in home internet access in australia and in the quality and ease of internet access in general. Such changes are related to advances in technology, mainly the shift from dial-up to home broadband networks (abs, 2011; acma, 2016).

– Abs (2016) found that internet access has increased from 83% in 2013 to 86% in 2016.- According to the australian communications and media authority (acma; 2013), home internet access for children aged 8 to 17 ranges from 93 to 97%.Australians with internet access at home are more likely to have children under the age of 15. Indeed, abs (2016) reports that:

– Ninety-seven percent of people with children had internet access at home; and- eighty-two percent of people without children had internet access at home.This shows that the internet is in the habits of australian parents for study and entertainment, and the majority of australian young people had internet access at home in 2015 year (acma, 2016). Similarly, in the us, internet access was higher in homes with children and young people (file & ryan, 2014).

Mobile phones

Mobile phones have changed the online behavior of children and young people in australia, and the likelihood of them owning a mobile phone increases with age.In 2012, acma (2013) found mobile phone ownership among australian children and youth to be:

– Eleven percent of children aged 8-9;- thirty-five percent 10-11 year olds;- 67 percent of 12-13 year olds;- 87 percent of 14-15 year olds; and- ninety-four percent of 16-17-year-olds.Similarly, the likelihood of accessing the internet from a mobile phone increases with age:

– Among 14-15-year-olds 49% accessed the internet from a mobile phone; and- among 16-17-year-olds, 54% accessed the internet from their mobile phone (acma, 2013).The increase in the number of mobile phone owners has significantly changed the behavior on the internet. For example, recent developments in internet access have made it possible to access the internet from a variety of locations. The number of young people using public and commercial wireless hotspots increased from 17% in 2011 to 36% in 2015 (acma, 2016), reflecting the increased use of portable devices among australian youth, as well as in uk and great britain. United states (acma, 2016; ofcom, 2016; rideout, foehr, & roberts, 2010). In addition, single internet sessions on mobile phones last less time, but the speed at which they occur means that australians now spend “more of their online time on their mobile phone (42%) than on any other device” ( acma, 2016). ). The popularity of instant communication and “always connected” can be explained by the increase in the number of owners of mobile phones and other converged portable devices (boyd, 2012). Research has shown that “the huge rise in mobile phone and mp3 ownership among teens and teens is probably the most important factor behind the increase in media use among 8-18 year olds” (rideout, foehr & roberts, 2010, p. 18) .

Tablet computers

A study of children’s early digital engagement in australia and the united kingdom reports that:

– Fifty-three per cent of australians aged 6 to 13 own or use a tablet computer (roy morgan research, 2014). – The tablet computer is the “most used internet device” among boys and girls. In the uk at ages 5-11 (ofcom, 2015, p. 6).Tablets, especially used by young children, have been called a “viable learning context” (mclean & edwards, 2015, p. 157), and other portable devices such as ipads and laptops are now widely available in schools. (Lynch and redpath, 2014). Tablet computers are child-friendly because they are easy to use, portable, and are convergent technologies popular for watching movies and playing games (ofcom, 2015; roy morgan research, 2014). Younger children in australia and the uk are more likely to use a tablet than older children, reflecting “significant age differences in how children and young people use the internet” (nansen et al. 2012, p. 237; ofcom, 2015) . ; Roy morgan research, 2014).

Online time

Abs found that between 2014 and 2015:

– Young people aged 15-17 spend the most time online of all age groups.- 99% of young people aged 15-17 use the internet (abs, 2016).Australian young people aged 15-17 (of all socioeconomic backgrounds and genders) make up the highest proportion of australian internet users and spend around 18 hours a week on the internet (abs, 2016). Most australian young people who use the internet go online more than once a day (acma, 2016). This trend is also reflected in the us, with 92% of young people surfing the internet daily, of which 24% say they are online “almost all the time” (lenhart, smith, anderson, duggan, & perrin, 2015, p. 2).

Studies from australia, the uk and the us show that time spent online increases with age (livingstone et al. 2010; green et al. 2011; ofcom, 2015 ). . For example, in the uk, weekly time spent online by children and young people has grown steadily since 2005. In 2015:

– Children aged 8-11 spent 11.1 hours a week on the internet; and- adolescents aged 12-15 spend an average of 18.9 hours per week on the internet (ofcom, 2015).The difference between the online space and the researchers. Research on children’s online behavior has shown that “time spent online is difficult to measure because children multitask, surfing the net, doing other things without turning off the internet” (livingstone et al. 2010, p. 15).Simultaneous use of different media technologies is now commonplace for digitally literate children and young people, as mobile phones and other convergent digital technologies are particularly suited to multitasking with other types of media (acma, 2007, p. 9).

Internet activities

Children and young people show great diversity in their online activities. The au kids online study (green et al. 2011) examined how children and young people aged 9–16 spend their time online and found:

– 86% used the internet for school classes;- 85% used the internet to access audiovisual materials;- 78% used the internet for games;- 67% used the internet to send e-mail; and- 63% used the internet to communicate on social media.A recent acma (2016) report on the online activities of australian youth aged 14-17 reports:

– Seventy-eight percent use the internet to search for information and browse the web;- seventy-eight percent to send email;- sixty-four percent to stream audiovisual content;- fifty-four percent to use social networks; and47 percent for online gaming (acma, 2016).As with studies on how children and young people access the internet (such as a tablet or smartphone), there are significant age differences in their activities on the internet. Abs (2011, p. 3) found that the way children used the internet changed as they grew older: “at an early age, children viewed the internet more as a source of entertainment. See the internet more as an arena for information and communication.” This conclusion is consistent with behavior in europe and the us. For example, a study of american children and young adults found, “older teens are more likely to use the internet to search for information than younger adults” (katz, lee, & bryrne, 2015, p. 584). In the united kingdom, children aged 9-16 spend most of their time online doing schoolwork, followed by games, audiovisual content and social media (livingstone et al. 2010, p. 7). In addition, the eu kids online survey reported the following:

Some activities span an age range (using the internet for schoolwork, playing against the computer and, much less frequently, spending time in the virtual world). Other activities increase significantly during adolescence (watching and posting video clips or messages, social networking, email, instant messaging, and downloading music or movies).(Livingstone et al. 2010, p. 20)

Digital learning

Abs (2012) found that between 2011 and 2012:

– 2.3 million children had access to home internet;- two million (90%) of them used the internet for educational activitiesin 2013, acma (2013) reported the following: children and young people who used the internet to help with homework:

– Seventy-five percent of 8-9 year olds;- eighty-seven percent of 10-year-olds 11-year-olds;- ninety-five percent of 12-13 year olds; – ninety-four percent of 14-15 year olds; and- ninety percent of adolescents aged 16 to 17using the internet for educational purposes has been described as “a positive indicator of academic achievement” and today more than half of children worldwide “use the internet for schoolwork ” (katz, lee & byrne, 2015, p. 577). Australian research shows that digital learning activity increases with age, peaking in the 12-13 year old cohort. Parents/guardians and teachers support today’s multimedia learning environment. Orlando and attard (2016, p. 108) noted that the first wave of digital natives are now adults, “some of whom constitute a new generation of aspiring teachers” and may use digital technologies in their teaching practice to a greater extent than previous generations. Parent/guardian attitudes also influence educational use of the internet, and many of them have a positive attitude towards educational use of the internet (katz, lee, & byrne, 2015; tripp, 2011).

Audiovisual content

Australians under the age of 18 are more likely than adults to use the internet for entertainment and interact with such content through their mobile phones (acma, 2014). Acma (2016) reported:

– “Six out of 10 online teens were streaming video content on sites like youtube in june 2015, up from one-third in june 2011 … while the proportion of teenagers content including recorded music and radio more than doubled to reach 40%” from june 2011 to june 2015.”(“It is not only fun and games, but often…”, paragraph 2).- Fifty-six percent of all time spent on the internet by adolescents aged 14-17 was spent watching audiovisual content, including videos, movies, games and music.Such findings are reflected in reports from the uk and canada, where 51% of canadian children aged 9-17 interact with online audiovisual content (stives, 2014a). In the uk, young people aged 12-15 reported that they “prefer to watch youtube videos rather than tv programs” (ofcom, 2015, p. 72). The same british study found gender differences in the consumption of audiovisual content. It reported that girls aged 8–15 were “more likely than boys to say they prefer to watch tv programs” and to watch audiovisual content on demand. On a device other than a tv (ofcom, 2015, p. 72).

Consumption of audiovisual content online is a continuation of broader changes in the entertainment industry that have affected the viewing behavior of both adults and and children. Much of the recent online media consumption is not entirely new material, but material that is being used through new technologies, in particular from major viewing platforms such as youtube, netflix, and itunes (rideout, foehr, & roberts, 2010) . The increase in “new ways of consuming television content has actually led to an increase in… daily consumption of television programs” that can be viewed using converged technologies such as smartphones and ipods (rideout, foehr, & roberts 2010, p. 3) . In this sense, “content consumed by children is increasingly curated by digital intermediaries, including providers such as youtube and google” (ofcom, 2015, p. 4). Indeed, in june 2015, australian youth preferred streaming audiovisual content from sites such as youtube over downloading it (acma, 2016).

Games

In 2011, abs (2011) reported the following rates of children and young people under the age of 15 who played online games:

– Seventy-seven percent of children aged 5-8 years; and- fifty-nine percent of 12-14 year oldsyounger children were found to be more likely to play “single-player problem-solving games”, while older children were more likely to play “interactive, role-playing games” on the internet (abs, 2011, p. 4). Exploring the contemporary “technologically constructed childhood” of children, fleer (2011) examined how digital play can influence how children interact and play games in physical environments. Fleer noted that “it is important what children experience in their daily lives” and the expansion of play from the digital to the physical world is important for understanding modern childhood, which can contribute to the “design of early childhood curriculums” (fleer, 2011, p. 19 ). ).

Studies conducted in australia, the uk, the us and canada have found gender differences in online gaming behavior. These differences increase dramatically during adolescence, when boys spend more time online, than girls. This fact is often associated with online gaming (rideout, foehr, & roberts, 2010).

– In australia, an au kids online study found that boys aged 13-16 are more likely to play online -games than girls (green et al. 2011).- In the uk, boys are more likely to play online games. Than girls, reflecting a global trend that begins in children at age 9 and continues until age 16 (livingstone et al. 2010). Are more likely to use visually oriented social media platforms, while boys are more likely to participate in online games (lenhart et al. 2015). – In canada, 60% of boys spend most of their gaming activities and reported that they mainly connect to the internet through their gaming consoles (steeves, 2014a).Social networking sites

In 2013, acma reported the following rates of children and young people: people aged 12-17 having access to social networking sites:

– 69% of 12-13 year olds;- 86% of 14-15 year olds; and- ninety-two percent of adolescents aged 16-17 years (acma, 2014).In addition, the au kids online study (green et al. 2011) showed that a large number of children are younger in age 13 had a profile on the social network:

– Twenty-nine percent of 9-10 year olds; and, fifty-nine percent of 11-12 year olds.This study reports high levels of social media use among 11- and 12-year-olds, despite the fact that most social networking sites have a minimum age for account holders. Is 13 years (green et al. 2011).An au kids online study found that “high school start, not a minimum age…drives social media activity” (green et al. 2011, p. 8). Similarly, canadian children as young as 9 have social media profiles despite the minimum age requirement for sites such as twitter and facebook (steeves, 2014a).

In addition, more recently in the uk there is a trend and in the us there is a high level of involvement of young children in visual social networks such as instagram and snapchat. In the us, teens aged 15-17 were more likely to use facebook, while teens aged 13-14 were more likely to use instagram (lenhart, 2015, p. 5). A 2015 study in the uk found that among children and young people aged 12-15:

– Fifty-eight percent identified facebook as their primary social media profile; and- eleven percent consider snapchat to be their main social media profile (ofcom, 2015).Gender differences

Recent studies conducted in the us and uk found that significant differences in how boys and girls use social networking sites:

– Girls in the uk and europe aged 9-12 used email and social networking sites more frequently than boys and more frequently used a webcam (livingstone et al. 2010).- Girls from the uk aged 12-15 were more likely than boys to have a profile on snapchat and tumblr; and most girls identified facebook as their primary social media profile, followed by instagram and snapchat (ofcom, 2015).- American boys aged 13–17 are more likely than girls to interact with platforms such as instagram and tumblr (lenhart et al. 2015).Girls are more likely to post photos and videos online and try to share them with others through social media (livingstone et al. 2010). The appeal of social networking sites may be due to their combination of “chat, messaging, contacts, photo albums, and blogging features” (livingston et al. 2011, p. 36). In addition, reports show that “girls use more social networking sites, chat rooms and blogs, and more sites where you can upload photos for everyone to see (like instagram), while boys play more games and watch more video clips. » (Fridh et al. , 2015, p. 2).

Online risks

Internet use by children and young people is often spoken of as a balance of risk and opportunities, with a focus on risk, which has dominated the literature on young people’s digital lives (boyd, 2014; kirwil & laouris, 2012; livingstone & helsper, 2010; nansen et al. 2012). Early childhood reports focus on digital participation and the positive use of new technologies in relation to children’s learning (burnett & merchant, 2011; garvis, 2015). However, adolescents’ digital lives are often conceptualized in terms of risk mediation, which “takes into account more health or well-being concerns associated with various risks that may accompany internet use” (nansen et al. 2012, p. 238; dunkels, franberg, & hallgren, 2011; karaian, 2012; mitchell, finkelhor, & wolak, 2007). The main risks associated with internet use, such as viewing online pornography, sexting, cyberbullying, and contacting strangers on the internet, are discussed. See below.

While this report focuses on children and youth, adults also face online risks, especially with regard to technology-based sexual abuse. To provide context for discussions about children and young people, this section discusses the risks adults face when working towards a comprehensive definition of tech-assisted sexual violence, gender differences in the experience of such violence, and what we currently know about its consequences. On young people.

Risk of possible harm

Online risks faced by children and young people have been categorized as content, contact and behavior (livingstone & haddon, 2012 nansen et al. 2012). These three categories have been described as follows:

Content risks include “viewing inappropriate or illegal material”;contact risks are associated with “forms of unsolicited, offensive or harmful communications”; andbehavioral risks are “related to children’s personal online behavior” (nansen et al. 2012, p. 238).Many online activities involve such risks, whether in the form of sexual or violent audiovisual content (content), sexting (behavior), cyberbullying (behavior and/or contact), or unwanted attention from a stranger (contact).Online risks, as defined in the australian context, include “access to inappropriate material where strangers request or access personal information, and encounter online intimidation or threatening behavior” (abs, 2011, p. 5). In 2016, the website of the office of the electronic security commissioner identified a number of issues related to electronic security, including:

– Cyberbullying;- digital reputation;- offensive or illegal content; – online games;- protection of personal information;- sexting;- trolling; and- unwanted contact.While not all risks result in harm, studies of negative online experiences of australian children and young people found:

– 72,000 (3 %) of children under the age of 15 “experienced one or more personal or online safety issues” between 2008 and 2009 (abs, 2011, p. 5);- thirty percent of children aged 9– 16 or upset” about something in their online experience in 2011 (greene et al. 2011, p. 9); and- twenty percent of children aged 8-13 were concerned about what they saw online in 2012 (acma, 2013, p. 7).In addition, recent studies from canada and the uk reported:

– Seventy-eight percent of canadian teenagers aged 12 to 16 have “experienced racist or sexist” online content (stevens, 2014b, p. 2); and eleven percent of 8-11 year olds and 16% of 12-15 year olds in the uk have “seen something disturbing, unpleasant or offensive online” (ofcom, 2015, p. 9).Increasing age is one factor that determines whether children and young people are at risk online (abiala & hernwall, 2013). Younger children are more likely to be supervised during their online activities, and their parents/guardians tend to be more aware of their online behavior and the places they access the internet from, such as home or school computers with active filtering software. Collateral (acma, 2007). ; Green et al. 2011; livingstone et al. 2010; ofcom, 2015; rideout, foehr, & roberts, 2010). Adolescents, however, are more likely to have their own personal internet devices and use the internet unsupervised (greenfield, 2004; horvath et al. 2013). In addition, adolescents spend more time online than younger children, making them more likely to be at risk online (abs, 2016; rovolis & tsaliki, 2012).

Parents/guardians of young children are more aware of their negative online experiences than parents/guardians of adolescents (acma, 2013; ofcom, 2015). It found that: “while parents of children aged 15 and under are fairly accurate in reporting that their child is experiencing something that worries them, parents of 16-17 year olds tend to underreport it.” (News, 2013, p. 7). A uk study found that children aged 8–11 were more likely to refrain from disclosing negative online experiences in 2015 than in 2014 (ofcom, 2015). In addition, children aged 12–15 were reluctant to report negative online experiences, and 6% did not tell anyone about such experiences (ofcom, 2015, p. 111).

Impact of online pornography

Educators, researchers and policy makers are increasingly aware of the high level of exposure online pornography has to children and youth in australia and comparable countries. While definitions of pornography vary, the term generally refers to a spectrum of sexual content ranging from nudity (including images of the genitals) and/or engaging individuals in sexual activities to hardcore pornography, including forced sex acts (bleakly, hennessy, & fishbein, 2011; bridges et al. 2010; crabbe, 2016; flood, 2009; horvath et al. 2013; livingstone et al. 2010; martellozzo et al. 2016; peter & valkenburg, 2016). The diversity and availability of online pornography makes it difficult to avoid (crabbe, 2016), increasing both the ease of access for those who intentionally seek it and the risk of inadvertent disclosure. Indeed, a recent uk study titled “i wasn’t sure it was ok to watch” found: “children were more likely to stumble upon pornography than search for it online” (martellozzo et al. 2016, p. 8). .

Studies of european children and young people aged 9-16 have found:

– Engaging children in hazardous offline activities increases the likelihood of being exposed to online risks, particularly sexual images.- Older children and boys are more likely to be exposed to online sexual images than younger children and girls.- Children’s use of the internet in private, uncontrolled places and “less strict parent restrictions”.Mediation” results in a greater likelihood of exposure to online pornography (rovolis & tsaliki, 2012, pp. 170-1).Au kids online’s study of children and young adults aged 9-16 found:

– Forty-four percent “experienced images of a sexual nature in the past 12 months, whether online or offline”; while- twenty-eight percent of 11-16-year-olds “have seen sexual images on the internet” (green et al. 2011, p. 9).- The study found that among 11-16 year olds who have seen sexual content online: – twenty-four percent “have seen images of a sexual nature on the internet, including nudity”;- seventeen percent “have seen someone’s genitals online”;- sixteen percent “have seen images of someone is having sex”; and, six percent have “seen scenes of sexual violence” (green et al. 2011, p. 9).

The au kids online study covered a wide range of age groups, and there are significant differences between young children and young adults in viewing sexual content online (green et al. 2011). For example, the 16% of adolescents aged 11–16 who “saw pictures of someone having sex” were mostly adolescents and to a lesser extent young children (green et al. 2011). It is also important to note that the au kids online study, while offering comprehensive statistics on online behavior and exposure to pornography, was conducted in 2011, and the distribution of online pornography—and the nature of that pornography (i.E. Content)—has changed a lot since since then (crabbe, 2016).

The report “i was not sure it was ok to watch” (martellozzo et al. 2016) examined the experience of 11-16 year olds in the pornography on the internet and found:

– 53% of respondents had seen pornography on the internet at least once; at age 14.- Twenty-eight percent of the above cohort reported first time viewing pornography online by accident (eg – 60% reported first time viewing pornography online at home. Regarding the circumstances of viewing pornography on the internet and the role of children and young people in it, the study found:

– Twenty-six percent received pornography on the internet or links to it. ;- Nineteen percent of them were exposed to online pornography by someone without asking or expecting it;- nineteen percent searched for it themselves; and- four percent reported sending others online pornography or links to it.Similarly, a study commissioned by the children’s commissioner for england found that inadvertent exposure to online pornography can also be “through websites that are not themselves “pornographic” or “adult »» (horvath et al. 2013, p. 25). For example, online gaming sites, file sharing sites, video hosting sites and social networking sites may contain online pornographic content (horvath et al. 2013). Indeed, young people who use the internet to access medical and sexual information are at greater risk of exposure to online pornography (horvath et al. 2013). It is not uncommon for young people to use the internet to learn about their health and health issues, and “sometimes young people seeking medical information about sexually transmitted diseases unintentionally end up on pornography sites” (katz, lee, & byrne, 2015, pp. 580-1).

Attitudes towards online pornography

A uk study (martellozzo et al. 2016) reported a range of affective reactions of children and young people to online pornography and showed that attitudes towards pornography were gendered and varied with age:

– Girls have a more negative attitude towards pornography than boys.– Boys are more positive about pornography than girls, especially in the older age group.- “Negative feelings subsided with repeated viewing of online pornography” (2016, p. 9).Au kids online study ( green et al. 2011) included interviews with parents/guardians about exposure of young children aged 9 and 10 to online sexual content and found:

– Forty-nine percent of parents/guardians reported that their children had never seen sexually explicit material online.- Thirty-eight percent of parents/guardians reported that their children had seen sexually explicit material online.- Fourteen out of every percent of parents/guardians reported that they did not know if their child had seen sexual content online.Furthermore, a uk study (horvath et al. 2013) found that parents/guardians are “likely to overestimate the exposure of pornography to younger children and underestimate to older children” (p. 30).

The literature shows differences in how girls and boys consume and are exposed to online pornography (beyens, vandenbosch, & eggermont, 2014; flood, 2009; martellozzo et al. 2016; sabina, volak & finkelhor, 2008). Girls in the uk are less likely to watch online pornography than boys, and boys use online pornography “more frequently and intentionally than girls” (martellozzo et al. 2016, p. 9). To that end, boys tend to be more positive about online pornography than girls.

Report “i wasn’t sure it was okay to watch”:

– Boys were more likely to find online pornography fun, arousing, and exciting, while girls were more likely to find it shocking and frightening.- Boys aged 11-16 were “about twice as likely to report that actively seek him like girls” (martellozzo et al. 2016, p. 29).Sexting

“Sexting” is a combination of the words “sex”. And “text messaging” and is used to describe “the digital recording of nude, semi-nude, sexually suggestive, or explicit images and their distribution via email, mobile phone messages, or online social networking sites” (lee et al. 2013 ). , Page 36). Sexting became popular in the mid-2000s, driven by “the advent of convenient, affordable, affordable, and mobile internet access” and the “privacy and anonymity” that such communication provides (livingstone & gorzig, 2012, p. 151). Various conceptualizations of sexting use by young people have been advanced in the literature, often deconstructing the meanings given to the practice in terms of young people’s sexual development and socialization (abelee et al. 2014; albury & crawford, 2012; cooper et al. 2016). ; Lee & crofts, 2015; nielsen, paasonen, & spisak, 2015). It is widely believed that it is difficult to distinguish between forced and non-coerced sexting, and researchers recognize the potentially harmful effects of sexting on children and young people (horvath et al. 2013; livingstone & gorzig, 2012).

Research on australian law used to define and manage sexting highlights the trial and error processes involved in regulating this complex issue, both highlighting the gap between digital natives and digital immigrants and demonstrating the serious challenges associated with digital technologies. Child protection (arcabascio, 2010; lee et al. 2013; simpson, 2015; stone, 2011). The definition of self-taken pictures by young people as child pornography has been particularly fraught and difficult to characterize in terms of legal guilt. Refinement of the definition of child pornography was explored in a study of sexting (crofts & lee, 2013). Some have suggested that the term “sexting” by itself does not adequately describe “a spectrum of behavior that ranges from what is meant to be the private exchange of images between sexually intimate young partners” and have expanded the definition to include specific social networking sites such as facebook and youtube (stone, 2011, p. 267; crofts and lee, 2013). Thus, it has been noted that some digital technologies “fuel the exploitation of children” (crofts & lee, 2013, p. 87).

Although in many cases young people speak sexting unwanted) activity among peers is broadly classified as illegal behavior. A recent report from the uk national society for the prevention of cruelty to children (nspcc) argues that children and young people “may view images of their peers that may be classified as age-appropriate, albeit illegal, sexual behavior” (nspcc, 2016, p. 13-14). This illegality has been questioned based on the fact that consensual sexting is a common behavior among children and young people who are sexually active and/or have private access to mobile phones (australian institute for family studies [aifs] , 2015; mcgovern et al. 2016). Mcgovern et al. (2016) consulted with australian young people to examine their experiences of sexting and found a moral and gender element in risk management advice, as well as discrepancies between adult (and media) perceptions of sexting and those of young people themselves.

A study of the online behavior of australians aged 11 to 16 found:

– Nine percent got a sixth;– six percent “requested to talk about sexual activity with someone online”;- 5% “saw others doing sexual activity in the message”; and- three percent “were asked to take a photo or video of their ‘private body parts'” (green et al. 2011, p. 9).Similarly, studies from comparable countries show that:

– Twenty-four percent of canadian teenagers aged 12 to 16 received a sext, and 8% sent a sixth from themselves to someone else (stevens, 2014c, p. 5) ; – twelve per cent of 11-16 year olds in the uk were photographed topless, 4% were photographed topless and 3% were photographed fully naked. (Martellozzo et al. 2016, p. 10).Seven percent of the uk children listed above have shared these images with others (martellozzo et al. 2016). The australian institute of criminology (aic; 2011) expressed concern about the normalization of young people’s attitudes towards posting their images online. Referring to australian statistics from 2007, aic noted that:

– Fifty-eight percent of children do not mind sharing their information or photos online; and- 47% of children did not object to other people sharing their information or photos online without their explicit permission (aic, 2011).Cooper et al. (2016, p. 707) described social networking sites, and social media in general, as “a platform for the many social interactions of adolescents and their increasing sexual exploration and behavior.” The authors suggested that a “discourse of normality” supports young people’s perception of consensual sexting “as a normal, contemporary form of sexual expression and intimate communication within romantic and sexual relationships” (2016, p. 709). This theory can be applied to a study of 11–18-year-old girls in finland who reported that “sexual messaging, role-playing, cybersex experiments, and sex-related discussions among peers were rated as fun and enjoyable” (nielsen, paasonen, & spisak, 2015, p. 472). The same study reported that respondents found that “messages from unknown people identified as adults were often discussed as obnoxious or ‘creepy'” (nielsen, paasonen, & spisak, 2015, p. 472).

While the normalization of sex learning and play through sexting is widespread in some communities, distributing and sharing sexts without consent can cause long-term “emotional and reputational damage” (lee & crofts, 2015, p. 454) for young people. “Legal, social and psychological consequences” (abelee et al. 2014, p. 8). For example, personal sexts sent between two young people in an intimate relationship may be circulated “after the end of the relationship” (cooper et al. 2016, p. 711). Relevant discussion of sexual violence using technology, including the distribution of non-consensual intimate images such as sexts, is provided below.

Sexting as a form of digital communication that is “voluntary or involuntary”. “Serious or humorous, public or private, trivial or significant, enjoyable or offensive” carries risks and challenges for online children and youth (livingstone & gorzig, 2012, p. 152). Studies in the uk show that girls and young people of different sexual orientations and genders are most at risk:

– Girls are more likely to be asked to take nude photos, while boys are less likely to be asked. Asked (horvath et al. 2013; martellozzo et al. 2016).- Lgbtqi+ young people are more likely to post naked selfies than heterosexual young people (horvath et al. 2013; rice et al. 2012). ).Lee and crofts (2015) argued that peer pressure has a significant impact on sexting behavior, especially for girls. Indeed, a recent uk study found that girls felt the need to reveal personal information and be attractive online. It was found that among children aged 12-15 years:

– 4% of girls “felt the need to send someone photos or other information” compared to 0% of boys (ofcom, 2015, p 116);- 10% of girls felt “pressure to appear popular or attractive” online compared to 4% of boys (ofcom, 2015, p. 109).Cyberbullying

Cyberbullying is defined as “technology-based bullying, including acts such as stalking another person using a mobile phone or social networking site on the internet, creating a defamatory web website or the deliberate exclusion of someone from interaction in the social media space” (australian research alliance for children and youth [aracy], 2014, p. 9). Cyberbullying can include “direct, deliberate, and aggressive forms of bullying, as well as more subtle or indirect acts such as flames, impersonation, or social isolation” (nansen et al. 2012, p. 244). It is necessary to have a separate definition for cyberbullying and it is important to think of it in terms other than offline bullying (fridh et al. 2015, p. 2). As fried et al. (2015) argued, “traditional aspects of face-to-face bullying, such as repetition and power imbalance, are more difficult to define in a cyber context” (fridh et al. 2015, p. 2).

Au kids online study found:

– Twenty-nine percent of children and young people aged 9 to 16 have been bullied, “and 13% say it happened online” ;- seven percent reported that the cyberbullying occurred through “nuisance or abusive messages sent to a child”;- four percent said that the messages were “sent or transmitted”; and- three% said that they were threatened online (green et al. 2011, p. 9).A more recent acma report notes:

– Four percent of 9-year-olds have experienced cyberbullying; – twenty-one percent of 14-15 year olds have experienced cyberbullying;- sixteen percent of 16-17 year olds have experienced cyberbullying (acma, 2013).Acma (2008) discussed the idea of netiquette, or “netiquette” (nansen et al. 2012) as a key to the digital participation of children and youth. He defined netiquette as “proper and responsible online behavior” (acma, 2008, p. 51). Encouraging children and young people to take “responsibility for participating in online bullying” has been noted as important in discussions about online behavior and risks (nansen et al. 2012, p. 239). Indeed, supporting children and young people to take responsibility for their online behavior can minimize the risks to their digital well-being, as it “is a health protective factor associated with lower prevalence as cyber victimization.” ” And traditional victimization due to bullying (fridh et al. . 2015, p. 2; nansen et al. 2012). Such behavior to their parents/guardians or friends (acma, 2013) . Younger children aged 8-9 “also tended to tell their teacher about it” (acma, 2013). The eu kids online project found that of all the online risks faced by children and young people aged 9-16, “online bullying resulted in the highest proportion of upset children, while ‘sexting’ and pornography were perceived as less upsetting” ( livingston). Et al. 2014, p. 272).

There are problems with children and young people’s disclosure of cyberbullying, which is characterized by the perception that parents/guardians do not understand their online reality (dunkels, et al. 2011). The authors noted that cyberbullying is a particular concern for the health and well-being of young people due to what they described as a “constant presence”, which emphasizes that “cyberbullying can go on all day and accompany a child to school as well as to their homes” ( dunkels, et al. 2011, p. 9). In this sense, victims “have nowhere to hide and can be targeted anytime, anywhere” (dunkels, et al. 2011, p. 9).

In the united kingdom, girls in aged 12-15 were more concerned about cyberbullying than boys in the same age group:

– 30% of girls disliked “people who spread gossip or rumors” compared to 19% of boys; and– 23% of girls disliked when “people are unpleasant, mean or unkind to others” compared to 13% of boys (ofcom, 2015, p. 109).This trend is repeating. In canada from 9 to 16 years, of which “girls are more likely to be disturbed by racist or sexist comments, while boys are more likely to find them harmless” (stevens, 2014b, p. 5). In addition, girls have been found to be more upset than boys “when racist or sexist jokes are made at their expense” (stevens, 2014b, p. 6). What’s more, boys were found to be “three times more likely than girls to engage in mean or violent acts towards someone online, making fun of their race, religion, ethnicity, or sexual orientation, or sexually harassing them” ( steves, 2014b, p. 6). .

Strangers online

Internet chatting with strangers is one of the main risks associated with the digital activities of children and young people (dunkels, et al. 2011; green et al. 2011; livingstone et al. 2014; priebe, mitchell, & finkelhor, 2013). Such risk may result from adult-initiated unwanted contact and/or risk behavior on the part of the child or adolescent. The former is usually presented as online predators trying to groom children on chat rooms and social networking sites (boyd, 2014). The latter refers to the active participation of children and young people in social networks, through which they look for “new friends on the internet” or add “unknown friends to their friends list or address book” (acma, 2013). Acma found that these behaviors “increase with age”:

– In 2012, about four in ten 14-17-year-olds practiced this behavior.– A video of someone who they’ve never met face to face” were 14-15 year olds (acma, 2013).In addition, the au kids online study found that australians aged 9-16:

– 34% “have had online contact with someone they have not met face to face”; and- of this group, 13-16-year-olds were at greater risk of such contact (green et al. 2011, p. 9).Gender differences

Research in canada and the uk has found significant differences in how girls and boys perceive and experience the risks of online contact, especially unwanted attention and cyberbullying from strangers. For example, when asked about dating strangers online, among canadian children and young people aged 9-16:

– 82% of girls believe that “they may be online strangers” compared to 63% of boys; and girls are “less likely to view the internet as a safe place” than boys (stevens, 2014a, p. 5).In addition, among children aged 12-15 in the uk, more girls knew about that they are at risk of victimization:

– Fifteen percent of girls were concerned that strangers on the internet had access to their personal information, compared with 7 percent of boys (ofcom, 2015); – fourteen percent of girls were concerned that “people impersonated me/hacked into my account” compared to 6 percent of boys (ofcom, 2015, p. 109); and- 11% of girls were “personally contacted online by someone they don’t know” compared to 5% of boys (ofcom, 2015, p. 116).Technological sexual assault

Despite the use of the term “revenge porn” in the media, which has led to its widespread use in the public domain, this study deliberately uses the term “technological sexual assault” to reflect the spectrum the activities it covers and the experience of those it affects. The term “revenge porn” is considered by many to be a misnomer because it does not cover the full spectrum of sexual harassment caused by the rapid development of digital technology (clough, 2016; funnell, 2015; senate legal and constitutional review committee, 2016).

Definition

Revenge porn was originally considered to be “an angry partner who distributes on the internet without the consent of the former partner (victim) a photo or video depicting the victim naked or having sexual intercourse” (gotsis, 2015, p. 2). However, current research reveals a number of motives and perpetrators that are not accurately captured by the term. On the other hand, tech-assisted sexual assault reflects a spectrum of abusive behavior that can be perpetrated by “persons or strangers who distribute images to coerce, blackmail, humiliate, or embarrass another person, or who distribute images for sexual gratification.” , Fun, publicity, or financial gain” (henry, flynn, and powell, 2015, p. 3). Such issues disproportionately affect women and girls, thus placing them within the wider scope of violence against women (bates, 2016; clough, 2016; funnell, 2015; powell & henry, 2016). Researchers thus suggest that the phenomenon known as revenge porn is more accurately defined as technology-assisted sexual assault involving the dissemination of intimate and/or explicit images without consent in order to cause harm (clough, 2016; powell & henry, 2016).

Actions commonly classified as tech-assisted sexual assault include situations in which the perpetrator:

– Knowingly or recklessly records an intimate image without consent; – deliberately or negligently shares intimate images without consent; and- threatens to make and/or share intimate images without consent, whether or not the images exist (senate legal and constitutional review committee, 2016).In the above list, the key consent matters. And definitions of both “consent” and “intimate” are critical to legislation governing technology-assisted sexual assault. As noted by the commonwealth attorney general, even materials of a personal or intimate nature can cause similar distress if shared without consent (henry et al. 2015). Called revenge porn, clarified what could be called intimate depiction, stating that it “may vary according to community standards,” and used the example of a muslim woman without a hijab as an atypical intimate image (senate reference committee on legal and constitutional affairs, 2016, p. .2). Research on tech-assisted sexual abuse may also use the term “image-based sexual exploitation” instead of “revenge porn” as it reframes the issue to focus on the perpetrator and covers a wider range of behaviors (henry & powell, 2016). .

Gender differences

Technologically based sexual violence primarily affects women and girls and is predominantly perpetrated by men and boys (clough, 2016). Thus, it is seen as covering new forms of sexual violence and/or domestic violence, in particular sexual violence involving more than one offender and intimate partner violence (bates, 2016; citron & franks, 2014; funnell, 2015; powell & henry, 2016). As with more traditional forms of violence against women, non-consensual sharing of intimate images has long-term consequences in a variety of contexts, ranging from feelings of shame over public characterization as “sexually available, sexually expressive, or sexually submissive” (urbas, urbas, & boer, 2015, p. 2) to “loss of employment or future employment prospects” (henry, et al. 2015, p. 3). In the context of domestic violence, tech-assisted sexual abuse can be used “as a means of intimidating, coercing, or controlling women” (powell and henry, 2016, p. 6), forcing them to “act without consent, stay in a relationship, or refrain from taking criminal action.” Cases” (henry et al. 2015, p. 3). The mental health consequences of such victimization are also similar to those experienced by victims/survivors of contact sexual violence, and include conditions such as post-traumatic stress disorder and clinical depression (bates, 2016).

Although important noting that boys and men also suffer from tech-assisted sexual violence, studies show that “women and girls may experience certain forms of digital violence (such as sexual assault or revenge pornography) precisely because of their gender. And the perpetrator’s intent to “shame the whore” (henry & powell, 2016, p. 399). In addition, severe victim harm such as “harassment, loss of professional and educational opportunities, and psychological harm” is exacerbated by the added risk of harm to those who speak of their experiences (citron & franks, 2014, p. 347). The impact of tech-assisted sexual violence is itself gendered, “because women and girls may be adversely affected by the persistence of outdated myths and expectations about women-specific sexual norms and expectations” (henry & powell, 2016, p. 399 ). This point is highlighted in a study of tech-assisted sexual assault in the us. Careful analysis of court cases and quantitative studies in the united states have shown that it “affects women and girls much more often than men and boys, and has much more serious consequences for them” (citron & franks, 2014, p. 348).

Impact on young people

A national survey of 600 girls and women aged 15-19 identified gender patterns in technology-assisted sexual violence, making the cohort particularly vulnerable to exchange their intimate images without consent (plan international australia & our watch, 2016).More than half of the survey respondents “agreed that girls are often forced to take and share ‘sexy’ photos of themselves” and such requests were “almost always unwelcome and unwanted” (plan international australia & our watch, 2016, p. 3) . ). Other studies show that “young people between the ages of 18 and 24 are more likely than other age groups to experience digital harassment and abuse” (powell & henry, 2016, p. 1), and that young people themselves recognize the gender double standard regarding sexting and the dissemination of images without consent (mcgovern et al. 2016).

There are further concerns that the normalization of sexting could lead to adult exploitation of children and young people. Powell and henry express concern about: “sexual exploitation” or “sexual extortion” of young people, often by adult offenders, when sexual imagery [is used] to coerce youth into contact with sexual abuse”, or in situations where adults create ” false online identity in order to obtain sexual images from a young person, the content of which is then used as a threat to obtain additional images (2016, pp. 3-4).

In addition, cases of offensive sexting, when children and young people took part in forced sexting, and the sharing of intimate images without consent has recently become a legal dilemma (powell & henry, 2016). Regulation of sexual violence using technology, and it is generally accepted that cases involving young people under the age of 18 should be treated differently. To cases involving adults (attorney general’s office, 2015; senate reference committee on legal and constitutional affairs, 2016).

Youth culture and digital culture

The development of digital technology, especially as it has become “more convergent, mobile and individualized”, has influenced changes in youth culture (boyd, 2014; livingstone & haddon, 2012, p. 4). Today’s children and young people “use the internet regularly and effectively” and are often portrayed as leading a digital life to complement their offline existence (mossberger, tolbert, & mcneal, 2008, p. 1). Digital life takes place in “networked communities” where children and young people express themselves and interact with others (boyd, 2014). In the same way that “public culture associates participation in popular culture with the practice of participation in the public sphere”, online publics “encourage the development of public identity and friendship-based practices on the internet” (kupiainen, suoninen, & nikunen, 2012, p. 99) . The separation of young people from their parents/guardians in online public spaces plays a critical role in identity building, and digital technologies have created “a virtual world in which groups of young children (and older) live together without their families” (flier). , 2011, p. 18).

Online audiences demonstrate the central role of the internet in ways of being, especially in social interaction (boyd, 2014). This is of particular importance in the identity building project during adolescence and in early modes of self-presentation in peer groups. As boyd (2014, p. 201) states, people “develop a sense of the normative by collectively adjusting their behavior based on what they see in the society they live in and understand.” The networked public poses major challenges in this regard, as young people “struggle with what it means to be public and be in public” (boyd, 2014, p. 204). Indeed, the “unknown endless audience” of the internet is easy to forget, especially for children and young people who use social networks. Building the online self and bridging the gap between public and private contexts are the main challenges of today’s digital generation and will be discussed in the following sections.

Building the online self

Identity building has long been considered the most important task for children and young people (boyd, 2014; james, 2009). As kapijic and herring (2011, p. 959) have stated, “adolescence is a crucial period in the formation and dissemination of identity.” Experimentation is a significant part of this task, as both the developmental imperative and the instability of their selves encourage [young people] to experiment with their identity and self-presentation” (kirwil & laouris, 2012, p. 113). Kirvil and lauris (2012, p.113) wrote about three aspects of experimentation:

– Social compensation: “to overcome shyness, communication difficulties or other weaknesses”;- self-exploration: when young people adopt “different personality traits or identities to explore how others react”; and social facilitation: “facilitate dating, making friends, and forming relationships” (2012, p. 113). New possibilities for the study of personality” (james, 2009, p. 24). It is well documented that children and young people “use the online environment to explore and experiment with elements of their identity, trying on new personalities, characteristics and physical forms” (bond, 2010; boyd, 2014; fleer, 2011; katz, et al. . 2015, p. 579; lincoln & robards, 2016; mahiri, 2011; sauter, 2013). In their study of how the internet is helping young people develop self-awareness, katz et al. (2015) talked about identity building work and how the internet supports self-expression. They wrote, “identity expression occurs in many different formats as youth upload texts, images, and video artifacts and interact with others in forums, social media, and other communities” (katz et al. 2015, p. 579). ).

Furthermore, the internet supports the practice of online anonymity, which can lead to greater risk and negative online experiences (dunkels et al. 2011; james, 2009). Young people who have the opportunity to present fake or altered identities online often choose to present “aspects of their offline self” instead (james, 2009, p. 24). Dunkels and colleagues found that “the concept of anonymity is not as simple as it might seem. Often, when we talk about anonymity on the internet, we actually mean a pseudonym, which means that a person has taken on a pseudonym” (2011, p. 8). Although anonymity is allowed and even supported in online spaces, children and young people have recreated aspects of their real identity in their online identity, especially in relation to ethnicity, class and gender (andersson et al. 2015). Indeed, boyd argued that “what teenagers do online cannot be separated from their broader desires and interests, attitudes and values” (2014, p. 202).

However, young people are particularly involved in “identity experiments” whereby they modify or change aspects of their online identity (katz, et al. 2015; kirwil & laouris, 2012). Katz and colleagues used the example of a teenage girl, who presented herself as “older to be taken seriously in political discussion”, which the authors described as an identity experiment that supported self-reflection. Through audience response (2015, p. 579).

However, experimenting with identity can also carry a high level of risk. For example, kirvil and lauris (2012) found that children and young people may have negative online experiences as a result of identity experiments. The authors reported that:

– Twenty-eight percent of “kids who experimented with their selves by pretending to be other people online…were affected after meeting their contacts offline,” compared to 14% of “children who have not experimented in this way.”- Ninety percent of children who used social networking sites and “pretended to be a different age” had negative experiences “as a result of exposure to sexual images.” (Kirwil & laouris, 2012, p. 121).Identification experiments are the result of an “online disinhibition effect” (suler, 2004), which researchers have explained as “the fact that we operate in a less restrained fashion in internet” (dunkels, et al. 2011, p. 8). Katz et al. (2015, p. 579) stated that young people are resourceful in their online behavior and “maintain their online identity while engaging in self-reflection and impression management.” However, “identity vulnerability is at the heart of many psychological experiments among young people” (abbott-chapman & robertson, 2009, p. 420) and can lead to harm to children and young people online.

Peer groups and audience awareness

Cooperative identity building is an important aspect of learning and socialization and can be done through children and young people’s self-presentation and audience awareness in their digital lives (abbott-chapman & robertson, 2009). Many researchers on the significance of young people’s interactions with new technologies and online behavior have applied goffman’s (1959) theories on self-presentation and performativity (abbott-chapman & robertson, 2009; boyd, 2012; hogan, 2010; lincoln & robards, 2014). ; Marwick & boyd, 2010; vitak, 2012).Much of goffman’s work has revolved around audience-dependent personality traits, that is, how “an audience is often imagined and constructed by the individual to present themselves in an appropriate way” (marwick & boyd, 2010). Thus, “self-presentation is collaborative” (marwick & boyd, 2010, p. 123). Scholars such as marwick and boyd (2010, p. 123) have noted the importance of peer responses to the identity building project, whereby “people tend to watch how people react to them in presenting themselves.”

Children and young people tend to replicate the same peer networks in their digital lives and in the physical world (boyd, 2014; robards & bennett, 2011). Even though children and young people interact with the same peer networks both online and offline, they are more likely to experiment and express themselves online due to the disinhibitory effect of the internet. Young people’s online behavior is the product of constructs—both themselves and their audience—often reflecting their real-life version of behavior. Peer response is critical to personality building during childhood and adolescence. In early childhood, garvis (2015, p. 30) found that social interaction supports “the construction of knowledge in developmentally appropriate ways”. Similarly, positive support from peers and family is important for personality building during adolescence. As bahr and pendergast point out, “colleagues are a measure of the success of an experiential identity” (2007, p. 159).

Public and private in an online context

Digital the lives of children and young people cannot be separated from their development as individuals and social beings (boyd, 2014; buckingham, 2013). The blurry line separating online and offline contexts means that audience awareness is important for children and young people as they take their first steps in experimenting with identity and relationships. Digital footprint or long-term effect of online behavior. The idea of shameful behavior and/or embarrassment affecting future reputation is not new to theories of identity construction and self-presentation in adolescence. In the past, children and young people have experimented with self-presentation in private offline spaces “within a limited circle of loved ones” (abbott-chapman & robertson, 2009, p. 420). Although not always safe, experimenting with self-presentation in more traditional places is unlikely to be made public.

Blurring the boundaries between the physical and virtual worlds for young people “who use personal space to explore and articulate » yourself (lincoln & robards, 2014, pp. 931–932) can lead to high-risk activities. A study of how young people negotiate public and private in their online lives found that they “sometimes ‘forget'” about the audience, which can “create awkward situations” (lincoln & robards, 2014, p. 935). Lincoln and robards (2014, p. 936) wrote that “young people manage their identities in a variety of contexts in which they must think and rethink their control strategies, sometimes in contexts of embarrassment.” Such multiple contexts refer to different online and offline sites, as well as overlapping public and private domains (lincoln & robards, 2014; pearson, 2009; vitak, 2012). Most often, the blurring of public and private contexts occurs when young people surf the internet from their bedroom, thereby linking home space with cyberspace, making “the distinction between ‘inside’ and ‘outside’ and ‘private and public space redundant, or at least fluid” (abbott-chapman & robertson, 2009, p. 421).

Interaction of online and offline contexts affects how young people use the internet and social networking sites as a safe a place to experiment with their personality and behavior. Social media activity relies on self-presentation processes that “are never built from scratch” (boyd, 2014, p. 4). It has been noted that offline contexts are “limited in a number of ways”, unlike online contexts, which increases their appeal (james, 2009, p. 23). For example, james (2009) pointed out that factors such as time, place and opportunity limit the ability of children and young people to communicate and express their identity in an offline context. Bond (2010) is one of those who mentioned individualized and personal devices such as the mobile phone as being related to the notion of privacy, and wrote that they “blur the boundaries between adulthood and childhood, public and private”, and are also ” fundamental for children. Construction of self-identity” (pp. 594-7).The benefits and risks of such technologies highlight the need for effective education in audience awareness and public/private contexts, as “the nature of publicity actually changes every day in people’s lives” in online spaces (boyd, 2010, p. 205).

Social media and the collapse of context

Internet activities of children and young people, especially social media, can attract unintended audiences. Social media is ideal for an identity-building project because it allows young people “access to their friends” as well as “the opportunity to become part of the wider social world while physically staying in their bedrooms” (boyd, 2014). , P. 201).

However, although bolton et al. (2013, p. 247) argued that young people’s use of social media is critical to their social world and individual “emotion regulation”. They pointed out that such activity also affects “attitudes towards private life.” Van dijk (2013, p. 51) observed that social networking sites “offer individual users a platform to create their own image and promote that image outside of their inner circles” and stressed that “popularity and disclosure are two sides of the same coin. Indeed, disclosure and sharing is an important part of young people’s interactions with social media. Young social media users in particular may feel they have some choice about which of their posts their audience can view, as described as a sense of “symbolic control” (lincoln & robards, 2014, p. 932) however, even audience aware young people can face embarrassing or harmful (and sometimes lasting) consequences if they misjudge their online audience and control over it.

Managing multiple online social media audiences is difficult, as they often “combine into one homogeneous group” in the process of context collapse (vitak, 2012, p. 454). Context collapse refers to “the fusion of various complex social worlds (consisting of family, friends, old classmates, romantic interests, work colleagues, etc.) Into a single performative environment: the profile that underlies the social network.” Site” (lincoln & robards, 2014, p. 928). Context collapse is important in understanding how young people negotiate their online identities, as social media platforms (notably facebook, twitter) place “employers and romantic partners on the same plane of communication”, prompting “users to segment audiences and present different versions of yourself” (vitak, 2012, p. 452). In addition, “social media technologies bring multiple audiences into a single context, making it difficult for people on the internet to use the same methods they use to handle multiplicity in a face-to-face conversation” (marwick & boyd, 2010, p. 114). For example, in the physical world, young people interact with their peers “in a different way than when they talk to their family or teachers” (boyd, 2014, p. 36).

Context collapse is conceptualized as a question requiring constant supervision by children and young people using social media, and research shows that young people often “expressed a concrete, pragmatic understanding of the audience” (marwick & boyd, 2010, p. 120) . Indeed, young people are able to “negotiate with multiple overlapping audiences by strategically hiding information…and by trying to portray both the authentic self and the interesting person” (marwick & boyd, 2010, p. 122).

However, it is often difficult for young people to negotiate the collapse of the context. This is because “the collapse of context that teenagers encounter online rarely happens at the moment when conflicting viewers are reacting at the same time. They are more likely to emerge over time as new viewers read messages in a new light” (boyd, 2014, p. 33).

Although young people can change their behavior accordingly according to the imaginary audience and exercise symbolic control over social media privacy settings, the nature of the internet does not guarantee long-term security. In this sense, “technology complicates our metaphors for space and place, including the belief that viewers are separate from each other” (marwick & boyd, 2010, p. 115)

Mobile porn use and sexting

The ubiquity of smartphones among young people has led to a “historical environment in which concepts of identity, individualism, lifestyle and sociality, as well as their relationship to technology and media practices, require reformulation.” (Hjort, burgess & richardson, 2012, p. 1).Mobile phones are one technology that implies offline dynamics, “creating new paths for navigating the physical space” (boyd, 2012, p. 211). Indeed, mobile phones have been described as an “important pillar” for children and young people to “present the right image in public” and “provide space for young people’s daily performances” (bond, 2010, p. 599). Sharing and communicating through social media is essential to today’s peer networks of children and youth, and bond (2010, p. 591) wrote that “lack of mobile phone ownership…Can lead to social isolation”. Buckingham (2013, p. 11) pointed out an interesting paradox: while “technology offers parents increased potential for surveillance” by buying mobile phones for their children, “it also allows children to evade control” due to the increase in unsupervised online users. Time. Thus, “one-to-one delivery of technology undermines parental control and mediation” (2013, p. 11).

Mobile phones can provide children and young people with “privacy, freedom, [and] security” (bond, 2010, p. 591) in a new way, but have also been found to play a large role in young people’s exposure to online pornography (horvath et al. 2013, p. 24). While mobile phones are “essential for the formation, maintenance and manipulation of close, intimate relationships,” they also play an important role in “the exchange of sexual material, whether downloaded from the internet or created by users” (bond, 2010, p. 599) . Older children have been found to “appear to revolve around the process of sharing sexual content with peers” (abelee et al. 2014, p. 9).

A uk study , in which children and adolescents aged 11-17 were asked about their use of internet pornography, found that girls were able to “determine strategies and behaviors to be safe in the context of producing and sending sexual material” (bond, 2010, p. 596). Young people in bond’s (2010) study, especially those aged 14–15, discussed downloading, sharing and viewing “sexual visual material” as part of “their daily routine of escaping boredom, creating humor and gaining popularity”. (P. 598). Indeed, all participants in this study (both boys and girls) “reported viewing sexual material through mobile phones (although not necessarily their own)” (p. 598). One of the findings of particular concern in this study was the “easy availability of sexually explicit material” on the internet (p. 598).

Other researchers have reported similar findings, such as that children older adults are now more at risk of exposure to online pornography as they are more likely to have their own personal device through which they access the internet (horvath et al. 2013). Some researchers such as abelee et al. (2014) pointed to the changes in the porn industry brought about by digital technologies: “mobile porn is big business. The sex industry generates significant revenue from the production and sale of porn content for the mobile market” (p. 9).

Young people’s identity-building projects are often subject to “peer approval and acceptance” (cooper et al. 2016, p. 710). It has been argued that “there is pressure to conform to sexting and mobile porn use to gain peer acceptance, providing evidence that both behaviors are used to display or gain status in the peer group” (abelee et al. 2014, p. 9). However, while sexting can be constructed as “problematic only if messages reach unintended recipients or are manipulated to cause harmful effects”; it is difficult to distinguish between sexts that are “fun” and “forced” (livingstone & gorzig, 2012, p. 152). The sexual development of young people is important to their identity building project, and although tasks such as socialization are a lifelong affair, their role in the early years of personality is especially significant. Thus, “the relationship between media use and exposure and adolescent sexual development” (abelee et al. 2014, p. 7) is key to our understanding of the lives of children and young people.

Study on the impact of pornography on children and young people

Key issues in the interpretation of the literature

Several problems were identified during the study and interpretation of the literature.The key issues were: understanding the content of pornography, differences in definitions, patterns and methods, negativism and bias of sexual morality, critical literacy and agency of young people, and understanding harm in context.

Content of pornography

There are many different types of pornography, “both professional and amateur, and includes a wide range of genres such as erotica, hardcore, group sex, gay, lesbian, bdsm, misogynistic, feminist and queer friendly” (hare et al. 2014, p. 148).The vast majority of pornographic content on the internet is heterosexual, created by men for men, does not involve the use of condoms, depicts sex as a tool, and can be categorized as degrading or exploitative of women .

In a content analysis of 45 randomly selected free pornographic videos from 15 popular (heterosexual) websites, gorman, monk-turner and fish (2010) found that condoms were rarely used, only in 2% scenes. Their analysis also showed that most of the performers were white (76%), most of the films were of professional quality (61%) and most likely featured two actors (56%). The most frequently depicted sexual acts were genital stimulation (90%), fellatio (79%) and vaginal intercourse (68%), followed by kissing (50%), female masturbation (38%), cunnilingus (37%), anal sexual intercourse. (32%) and male masturbation (13%). In most videos, women were more likely to be naked than men (55%), and the most common themes were men in a position of dominance or exploitation of women (55%) and women in a position of submission (47%). The researchers describe it this way:

Typically, a male actor led the sexual acts that took place. This can be achieved by the male participant moving the woman into any desired position, or verbally instructing the woman to perform certain actions, or moving her body in various ways. (Gorman et al. 2010, p. 138)

Nearly half of the videos analyzed included female eagerness or dominance (49%) and ejaculation on the participant’s face (45%). %). Similar rates of depicted sexual acts were found in another content analysis of 100 free (heterosexual) pornographic videos from 10 popular websites (vannier, currie, & o’sullivan, 2014). A study by vannier and colleagues (2014) also noted that the majority of male performers had well-groomed pubic hair (46%) or none at all (35%), while female performers typically had no pubic hair (61%) or no well-groomed pubic hair (30%). ). Similarly, condom use was found to be “virtually non-existent” and only occurs in 2% of videos (vannier et al. 2014, p. 262). The researchers also noticed that in all videos where the belief took place:

Actors who expressed reluctance or hesitation ended up being convinced to engage in sexual relations and seemed to enjoy the sexual activities they initially resisted. These images can normalize what is known in the research literature as “symbolic resistance”. Symbolic resistance is defined as occurring when a person, usually a woman, says “no, when they mean yes, and that their protests are not to be taken seriously”. (Vannier et al. 2014, p. 262)

In a study of gender (in)equality in internet pornography, claassen and peter (2015) analyzed 400 pornographic videos from the four most visited pornographic sites, finding that men are more often portrayed as dominant (39%) and women as submissive (43%). Close-ups of female body parts (61%) occurred much more frequently than close-ups of male parts (19%), indicating that women are more likely than men to be used in pornographic images (klaassen & peter, 2015). In this study, violence against women was present in 37.2% of scenes (versus 3% of scenes depicting violence against men). Violence against women in the videos analyzed typically included spanking (27%) or gagging (19%). The reactions of the female performers to these actions were mostly neutral, “as if they had not been harmed in any way” (klaassen & peter, 2015, p. 728). Violent acts1 were found to occur infrequently in the samples studied by both gorman et al. (2010) and vannier et al. (2014), although each of them notes that “violent pornography” is a significant minority of searchable heterosexual pornography subgenres per se.

When comparing the contents of 50 homosexual and 50 heterosexual pornographic dvds, the researchers found that contact of ejaculate with mucous membranes (including the mucous membrane of the mouth, vagina or anus) occurred significantly more often in heterosexual videos (48% ) than in homosexual videos (10%) (grudzen et al. 2009). In this study, condoms were also used significantly less frequently during heterosexual (7%) than homosexual (64%) intercourse with the penis, suggesting that homosexual pornographic performances are much more likely to involve condom use (grudzen et al. 2009). Although it should be noted that bareback (“bareback”) homosexual pornography is a significant minority among gay pornography subgenres (see jonas et al. 2014).

When trying to understand the potential harms of pornography , consumable content is essential. Here are some pertinent questions: are the acts described as consensual (both before and during intercourse)? Is the content violent? Are women portrayed as objects of male sexual gratification? Are condoms used? Are there any other safer sexual practices presented? Does the content seem sweet? Are the relationships between the parties depicted? What kind of relationship (i.E. Between a man in power and a woman in a subordinate position; they are depicted as strangers)? What kinds of sexual pleasures are presented and how? Are the actions depicted considered culturally normative? Do images reinforce racist or sexist stereotypes?

Definitions

Different studies define pornography, frequent use, and risky sexual behavior in different ways, making it difficult to compare results. Often no distinction is made between unwanted exposure and intended use. Little is known about the pornography content adolescents view (what they actually watch) (owens et al. 2012; peter & valkenburg, 2016), or for whom the association between pornography and harm is strongest. That is, “who is resistant to messages in pornography and who is receptive?” (Peter and valkenburg, 2016, p. 526). Often studies describing the impact of pornography do not pay attention to “perceived realism”; that is, how consumers understand this material and how it affects their perception. For example, in one study examining pornography use in focus groups with adolescents, young people described the material as completely separate from their sex life with others (löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010), challenging the relationship between pornography use and adolescent sexual preferences, relationships and behavior.

We define “internet sexually explicit material” (seim) as “online [images and] videos that explicitly depict sexual acts and genitalia and are generally intended to arouse the viewer” (hare et al. 2014, p. 148). Seim “contains a wide range of explicit graphic depictions of activities specifically designed to evoke and enhance sexual responses in the consumer” (hare et al. 2014, p. 148). Adolescents may define what is considered pornography in different ways; for example, whether still images of naked or semi-nude people are considered pornography, or whether pornography refers specifically to images of sexual acts (tomson, byrne, & trust, 2014). While it may be more important for us to use the phrase “internet sexually explicit material”, it has been noted that young people have a better understanding of the terms “pornography” and “pornography” (braun-courville & rojas, 2009). It may also be more appropriate to use the term “pornography” (plural) to emphasize that there are many different forms and content that this material takes (barker, 2014).

“Exposition ‘ is used variously in the literature to describe accidental (undesired) experiences as well as intentional uses (consumption). For example, peter and valkenburg explain that they use exposure to mean “active, conscious and purposeful contact” (peter and valkenburg, 2006b, p. 640), which we would call use or consumption. We reserve the exposition to describe those experiences with seim that are accidental rather than intentional.

Samples

In the literature, study samples differ by age group, and for convenience, many of the samples are from college psychology students in the united states. The socio-political and cultural context in which the specimens are placed is also important.Two oppositional contexts have done the most research in this area: first, the us, where sexual conservatism dominates public policy and abstinence-only sex education receives federal funding; and secondly, scandinavia (primarily sweden and the netherlands), where sexually liberal approaches to pornography and teenage sexuality, as well as more sex education, predominate. They are both quite different from the australian context, which probably most often falls somewhere between these two attitudes towards pornography and sex education.

Methods

Many research highlights the ethical (and possibly legal) issues in conducting such sensitive research with vulnerable populations, as does research on pornography involving minors. For example, they note that experimental research cannot be ethically conducted on adolescents, and great care is usually taken not to expose children to material they have not yet encountered (for example, see livingstone et al. 2011). Two research reports that described pornographic material or scenarios for children were not approved by human ethics commissions (romito & beltramini, 2011; tomson et al. 2014). In some quantitative studies, correlations are often presented as if pornography use is a driver or cause of problematic attitudes and behaviors, especially sexual behaviors such as casual sex. However, both these sexual practices and the consumption of pornography may be related to individual preferences, such as sexual interest. Correlative studies cannot establish causation but only note concurrent associations such as unregistered sex and seim use (see barker, 2014). This difficulty of doing psychological research on pornography is summarized by barker (2014, p. 121):

If higher levels of aggression are found in people who consume more pornography, it remains unclear whether pornography affects people who are aggressive, whether aggressive people are attracted to pornography or some other aspect (such as more traditional masculinity) independently leads to higher levels of both aggression and porn[ography] consumption.

The negativity and bias of sexual morality

The vast majority of research comes from the assumption that pornography has negative consequences. In contrast, studies examining or inferring the positive effects of pornography often overlook the potentially harmful effects of pornography and tend to present positively biased results (see corneau & van der meulen, 2014). In a review of published studies on the impact of pornography on minors, the authors note that the studies are overwhelmingly negative and also overwhelmingly heterosexual and suggestive of heterosexuality (peter & valkenburg, 2016). Indeed, same-sex sexual activity is often not included in datasets (eg hennessey et al. 2009). Cultural notions of what constitutes proper moral behavior are often confused with, or completely overshadowed by, negative health outcomes. For example, the notion of “permissive sexual relations” is almost always based on the acceptance of “casual sex” and having multiple sexual partners. Studies of these customs reveal sexual morality bias; that is, it is taken for granted that such attitudes and practices are negative, without considering the actual results of these practices for health and well-being. That is, they may be culturally undesirable, but inherently they are no more risky than other sexual practices. This issue is discussed in detail below.

Critical literacy and agency of young people

Research often ignores how pornography consumption is mediated and instead suggests that young people are passive and vulnerable, rather than agency and critical, in their interactions with seim. That is, “children are assumed to be basically asexual or simply ignorant of sexual matters, and the only way their encounters with sexual representations can be understood is in terms of harm or corruption” (chronaki, 2013, p. 62; see below). Also bragg & buckingham, 2009). Qualitative studies that have examined how young people understand and interact with this material often show that they are highly aware of the hyper-stereotypical and unrealistic depictions of sex shown in seim. This is especially important when considering potential interventions to reduce the risks of harmful effects.

Understanding harm in context

In order to understand (and thus mitigate) the potential negative consequences of showing or using pornography on the internet, we need an understanding of the harm associated disclosure or use of seim (as we describe below), and how such harm is caused. What is harmful, what is harmful and who is subject to such harm?

Impacts, and therefore harm, can be understood as individualized (referring to people with a certain predisposition, for example, the level of sexual interest), contextual ( related to specific situations or environments, such as the presence or absence of parental communication) and activity-related (related to the content and type of interaction, such as frequent viewing of violent pornography). Many researchers criticize the straight-forward correlation of negative consequences with pornography use (vol. 2016; ruddock, 2015; sullivan & mckee, 2015; weitzer, 2015). These critiques suggest that the logic of “caused” is overly defining and individualistic, and runs the risk of suggesting interventions (aimed at individuals) with limited effectiveness.

There are also important differences and degrees of harmful effects. Death and abuse represent the worst possible consequences, and such situations cannot be said to be a direct consequence of pornography (for consumers). However, it is important to understand how pornography can affect the environment in which such incidents occur, in addition to other types of violence, including sexual coercion, harassment and self-harm. Similarly, it is important to seriously consider other consequences that may seem benign, such as restricted sexual scenarios or increased sexist attitudes, because these latter “less harmful” exposures contribute to creating an environment that makes the first results possible. In this vein, an assessment of how specific situations cause harm is necessary in order to intervene to minimize harm and reduce the likelihood of harm.

In a related (and much broader) field, similarly concerned about potentially harmful habits adolescents (drug use), researchers suggest that “interventions that address social conditions that cause drug harm may be more effective than interventions that target specific behavioral changes among drug users” (rhodes, 2002, p. 199). This is because harmful effects result from a combination of potentially harmful practices in high-risk environments. As rhodes (2002) states:

Understanding the risk environment helps us identify the limits as well as the opportunities offered by proven…preventive interventions…in different environmental conditions. It also helps us understand the conditions that make the environment susceptible to…harm as well as vulnerable to its effects. Thus, a risk environment approach not only helps to explain the conditions that generate harm… but also helps to predict and thus prevent them. (Rhodes, 2002, p. 91; emphasis added)

It is necessary to understand the consumption of pornography as a set of practices that are formed under certain conditions, and therefore their effects are produced in and through these practices (instead of so that they can be isolated as preceding such interactions). We argue that this is important precisely because these practices, which produce particularly harmful effects, give us insight into how to mitigate such effects and, most importantly, how to create and encourage an enabling environment for harm reduction and resilience (less harmful situations). And consequences).

Key themes in the literature

Sexual knowledge and self-development

There are concerns that young people are exposed to pornography acts as a sexual education and can negatively affect their self-development, especially their expectations regarding sex. The role and influence of pornography for sex education is varied. For example, pornography can teach young people about biological facts, that it is okay to be interested in sex, that sex is pleasurable, and about sexual techniques and postures (allen, 2006; mckee, 2010); learning about sexuality can also increase self-confidence (sabina, wolak, & finkelhor, 2008). One uk study found that positive reactions to pornography increase with age, while negative reactions decrease (martellozzo et al. 2016). However, there are concerns that young people will copy pornographic images of sex or have unrealistic expectations about sex as a result of using online pornography.These hypotheses, however, suggest that young people are passive and vulnerable rather than active and critical in their interactions with seim. It is important to note that there has been little research on who is or is more receptive to pornography messages (peter & valkenburg, 2016), making it difficult to generalize the impact of seim on young people.

There are some speculations that minority adolescents (regardless of whether they are ethnically or sexually minority) are more likely to use pornography as sex education and more likely to benefit from its positive effects (see arrington-sanders et al . 2015; brown & l’engle, 2009; harper et al. 2015; kubicek et al. 2010; kvalem, traeen, & iantaffi, 2016; mccormack & wignall, 2016; mcnair, 2013; peter & valkenburg, 2011c ; tomson et al. 2014). This may be due to the under-representation of their minority in the mainstream media. That is, the scenarios of sexual relationships and relationships presented in the mainstream media are predominantly white and straight, which leaves teenagers from other cultural groups and/or queer sexual orientations with fewer role models, who may therefore have different experiences with pornography. . Indeed, research shows that same-sex-attracted male adolescents find depictions of homosexuality in pornography helpful in accepting their own sexuality (mccormack & wignall, 2016; tomson et al. 2014), as well as educational about sexual roles and positions. (See mccormack & wignall, 2016). One study of young men who were attracted to other men describes this effect as follows:

Many participants found that pornography helped them intellectually process their sexual desires. When asked about how pornography relates to his understanding of his sexual desires, miguel, who is mostly gay, replied: “i hope it really helped … I looked at guys in porn to see if i like girls.” Similarly, marcus, a gay bisexual, said: “i remember watching straight pornography and i think that’s when it started with ‘i’m jealous of this girl’ and went to ‘i’m attracted to this guy'” (mccormack & wignall, 2016, p. 10).

For other lgbt-identifying people, seim was perceived as heterosexual and male-centric and unrelated to men (smith, 2013; tomson et al. 2014 ) , a study of ethnic minorities in the united states, such as african american and hispanic youth, found that some of them had a preference for pornographic content featuring african american and hispanic actors, respectively, and the authors expressed concern about the hyperbolic racial stereotypes depicted in such material (rothman et al. , 2015).

Many studies describe adolescents using pornography to learn about sexual activities, roles, techniques, and bodily functions (arrington-sanders et al. 2015; häggström-nordin et al. 2006; hare et al. 2014; löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010; martellozzo et al. 2016; romito and beltramini, 2011; rotman et al. 2015; smith, 2013; thomson et al. 2014). This study suggests that pornography may provide a “sexual script” as a frame of reference for their own sexual encounters (brown & l’engle, 2009; löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010; morgan, 2011; sun et al. 2016). Especially given the often desexualized nature of sex education (see allen, 2006; löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010; smith, 2013). However, how this sexual scenario operates in adolescents’ own (real) sexual encounters varies.

Some girls in the italian study described using pornography to “reduce anxiety associated with first intercourse.” (Scarcelli, 2015, p. 243). Boys in a swedish study who used seim frequently were more likely to have experienced sexual activities they had seen in pornography than their peers who used seim less frequently (mattebo et al. 2014; see also häggström-nordin, et al. 2005). ). However, in a qualitative study from sweden, boys described their experiences with seim as “very different from the sexuality experienced in more ordinary situations and relationships” (löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010, p. 572). Both men and women in this study considered seim to be “exaggerated, distorted, or outright false” (löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010, p. 573).It is important to note that the national context of sex education in sweden and the netherlands is markedly different from that in australia, and this may well be the reason for these adolescents’ critical porn literacy.

Slightly less half of adolescents agreed that they used pornographic images to learn what to do during their own sexual encounters (martellozzo et al. 2016). However, without details of the content of what they were watching or imitating, it is impossible to know if this “acting out” involved safe, mindful consensual sex (the importance of which they learned, according to 60% of boys, from watching pornography) or problematic sexual behavior. Including coercion, aggression or violence (martellozzo et al. 2016). The concept of “reproduction” (acting out scenes from pornography) is problematic because it obscures many important factors, such as how these sexual encounters occur (consensual, forced, etc.); He suggests that pornography is defining, regardless of how teens interact with seim.

For example, how teens perceive pornography is an important factor that is rarely explored. In two dutch studies examining the relationship between the “perceived realism” of pornography (i.E. Its resemblance to sex in the “real world”) and its effects, adolescents, on average, did not perceive pornography as a realistic depiction of sexual possibilities in their lives. Own life or that it was a useful source of sexual information (peter & valkenburg, 2006b, 2010b, 2016). However, more frequent use increased their belief that pornographic images were “less unrealistic” (peter & valkenburg, 2010b). However, in a large study of british teenagers (aged 11-16), 53% of boys and 39% of girls agreed that pornography is realistic (martellozzo et al. 2016, p. 37). 2 in another uk study, 77% of high school students surveyed did not consider pornography to be realistic, citing reasons such as “it makes sex more beautiful” and “real life sex is more sensual” (baker, 2016, p. 223). ). These responses point to the ability of adolescents to be critical of pornography.

Attitudes towards sex

Increase in sexual permissiveness

Continuous evidence that that adolescent pornography use is associated with more liberal sexual attitudes (braun-courville & rojas, 2009; häggström-nordin, et al. 2005; häggström-nordin et al. 2006; peter & valkenburg, 2006b, 2008b, 2010b, 2016 ; boys only, brown & l’engle, 2009; doornwaard, bickham et al. 2015), including more tolerant attitudes towards pre/extramarital/extramarital sex. More frequent use also tended to be associated with a more forgiving attitude (braun-courville & rojas, 2009; peter & valkenburg, 2006b). However, there is some ambiguity about what “permissive sexual relations” means. It generally refers to a stronger belief in casual sex (between parties not in a committed relationship) or sex as “instrumental” (for the purpose of satisfying arousal rather than as an expression of affection). Pornography predominantly presents sex in this way; that is, as “simply physical, self-indulgent act between casual, unrelated partners that ignores the social and relational aspects of sex” (peter & valkenburg, 2006b, p. 640).

This is also important note that in the above studies, adolescents on average rejected permissive sexual attitudes; that is, they did not consider sex without commitment normal at all. Indeed, peter and valkenburg (2016) have suggested that this effect of pornography use can be more usefully understood as a relaxation of restrictive sexual attitudes. However, peter and valkenburg also note that adolescence is associated with sexual experimentation, and adolescents disagree about whether they think sexual experimentation should occur within relationships or with casual partners, friends, or one-night stands. (Peter & valkenburg, 2008b, p. 582). At least one study has shown that indulgent sexual attitudes have more to do with whether someone finds pornography use acceptable than whether they have actually used it (carroll et al. 2008). These results cast doubt on a causal relationship between pornography viewing and indulgent attitudes toward sex.

Older male adolescents tend to have more indulgent attitudes than girls and younger adolescents, and with more likely to be seim users.(Cameron et al. 2005; peter & valkenburg, 2006b). This is likely because, as flood points out, pornography “works in a symbiotic relationship with the usual constructs of male heterosexual sexuality” (flood, 2007, p. 57). Peter and valkenburg also found that the relationship between seim use and permissive sexual behavior was not direct, but was due to the extent to which adolescents perceived pornographic images as realistic (peter & valkenburg, 2006b). The more they perceived pornography as realistic and the more they had a recreational attitude towards sex (peter & valkenburg, 2006b).

Permissive sexual attitudes do not inherently predict negative health outcomes. Indeed, this study itself reveals a bias in sexual morality; that is, it is assumed that this potential effect is undesirable. More broadly, less restrictive sexual attitudes have positive benefits, such as less shame about masturbation (johansson & hammaren, 2007), a more relaxed attitude towards sex (mckee, 2010), or thinking about “loveless sex” and pornography. Ok (johansson & hammaren, 2007). Potential problems with liberal sexual attitudes relate to the perception of women as sexual objects and the possibility that this will lead to sexual aggression, coercion or violence, as well as more sexist relationships in general. However, it remains unclear how these sexual attitudes affect young people’s expectations of their own sexual relationships with peers.

Sexual expectations

As we have discussed , adolescence is a time of sexual development and exploration, and it is therefore worth exploring whether and how pornography use can influence adolescents’ expectations about sex. For example, young girls in one qualitative study expressed concern about their boyfriends’ expectations of what they would do sexually together if they watched pornography together (löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010). Girls in other studies described anxiety about what boys expected of them sexually (häggström-nordin et al. 2009; martellozzo et al. 2016). When martellozzo and colleagues (2016) asked in a british study whether viewing pornography led teenagers to believe that men and women “should behave in certain ways during sex,” older respondents (15–16 years old) were more tend to disagree than younger (age 13-14) participants (martellozzo et al. 2016). Martellozzo and colleagues describe these results as

Proof that some adolescents have internalized ideas about the expected behavior of men and women during physical sex. What the data cannot tell us is whether the ideas they are learning are about safe, considerate, mutually pleasurable sexual activities with a consensual partner, or about coercive, abusive, violent, exploitative, degrading, and potentially illicit sex. Here, too, we cannot know whether their ideas will change with experience. (Martellozzo et al. 2016, p. 44)

These authors noted that the proportion of 13–14-year-olds (39%) who reported learning from pornography was nearly double that of 11- 12-year-olds (21%). A study of heterosexual young men in college in the united states found that those who used seim more often were more likely to integrate pornography into the sex they had with their partner, and that this association was stronger in those who were younger (sun et al. 2010 ). Others, 2016). In another study of young adults, “more frequent viewing and exposure to multiple types of sem was associated with retention of sexual preferences reminiscent of those often presented in sem” (morgan, 2011, p. 529). Thus, there are important considerations regarding how the use of pornography affects the sexual behavior of young people. However, it remains unclear who is most susceptible to this influence and to what effect in practice.

Peter and valkenburg suggested that adolescents may experience a discrepancy between what they were taught (in school and in the family). ) In sex education and what they see in pornography, which can lead to “sexual insecurity” (peter & valkenburg, 2008b). They define sexual insecurity in relation to change and insecurity in sexual values and beliefs (rather than in relation to sexual self-image or sexual orientation) and found that seim use was associated with more positive attitudes towards “unintentional sexual exploration”. And greater sexual insecurity (peter & valkenburg, 2008b).

One study of college students in the us did show that sexual preferences correlate with sexual images in pornography as well as sexual dissatisfaction3, suggesting that perhaps youth using seim had unrealistic expectations about their sexual relationships (morgan, 2011). That is, comparing their own experience with what is depicted in seim (even unintentionally), they may feel increasingly inferior. In a survey of 1052 dutch adolescents (aged 13-20), seim use consistently reduced sexual satisfaction in both men and women (peter & valkenburg, 2009b). The impact was higher for those who had little or no sexual experience and for those who considered their friends to be sexually inexperienced. These authors concluded: “when sexually inexperienced adolescents encounter the ubiquitous sex in seim, they are more likely to perceive their lack of sexual experience as a limitation and thus become dissatisfied with their sex lives” (peter & valkenburg, 2009b, p. 188) .In a study by sun and colleagues (2016) among men in american colleges, higher consumption of seim reduced the pleasure of sexual intimate behavior with a real partner. This suggests that there is some evidence that increased use of seim reduces sexual satisfaction, and this may be a useful clue for future learning on the subject.

Gender attitudes

There are concerns that the use of pornography affects young people’s attitudes towards gender and, in particular, may lead to increased belief in gender stereotypes, especially sexual roles and representations of women as sexual objects, double sexual standards and myths about rape.

Gender stereotypes

“Gender stereotypes” refers to the traditional understanding of the respective roles of men and women and their relationships; basically that women are subservient and men dominate. Most heterosexual pornography portrays men and women in this way, and female participants are desperate to satisfy male desires (see gorman, et al. 2010). As flood describes, “in much of the heterosexual pornography sold, sex is separated from intimacy, affection, and human connection; all women are constantly available for sex and have an insatiable sexual appetite; and all women get sexual satisfaction from any men in the film. Do” (flood, 2007, p. 56). There is evidence that adolescent pornography use is associated with stronger beliefs in gender stereotypes, especially regarding sex, in both boys and girls (brown & l’engle, 2009; häggström-nordin et al, 2006; peter & valkenburg, 2009a). Although this association is stronger in male adolescents (ter bogt et al. 2010; peter & valkenburg, 2016). While these stereotypical beliefs are often associated with sexual roles, they also have a broader meaning. Teenagers in one swedish study described how seim:

Represented the unattainable ideal of the body through pornstar stereotypes, where the body was the main problem: a woman symbolized as “barbie” and a man symbolized as “hercules” . The man was a leader, strong and well built. The woman was represented with a thin body with large breasts and a subordinate to the man. (Mattebo et al. 2012, p. 42)

These messages that men are (and should be) cool and women are (and should be) sexual objects pervade the media, society and are represented in these types of heterosexual pornography. In longitudinal studies with adolescents that questioned their perceptions of gender stereotypes at baseline and then at follow-up, frequent use of seim correlated with greater acceptance of gender stereotypes (brown & l’engle, 2009). Importantly, these studies have shown that, in general, adolescents do not hold gender stereotypes, but increased use of seim may reinforce beliefs that gender stereotypes are accurate and desirable. In a quantitative study in five european countries, boys (aged 14–17) were significantly more likely to have sexist gender attitudes if they regularly watched pornography (stanley et al. 2016). These authors noted that: “it was particularly noteworthy that boys who regularly viewed pornography were much more likely than those who did not to agree with the statement about attitudes towards sexual violence, which was: “women seduce men sexually, and then they complain. About the attention they receive” (stanley et al. 2016, p. 18).As this study makes clear, increased belief in gender stereotypes increases the likelihood of committing sexual aggression or violence (combined with other factors such as hostility towards women and acceptance of violence in relationships, see clarke & stermac, 2011; murnen, wright, and kaluzny, 2002). In one quantitative and qualitative study conducted in secondary schools in london, girls were most concerned about pornography because “it may encourage sexist behavior or beliefs” (baker, 2016, p. 221).

In this regard, several studies have shown how male and female adolescents are critical of the depiction of gender relations (men as dominant, women as subordinate) in pornography (in sweden, löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010; mattebo et al. 2012 ; in the usa, smith, 2013). Again, this helps to emphasize that young people do not primarily interact with pornography as passive absorbers of media messages. Young people in one swedish study “claimed that the majority had escaped psychological harm”; that is, “they successfully navigated [the pornographic landscape], and the older they got, the easier it was to do so” (löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010, p. 575). In another focus group study in scotland, adolescent critics of pornography astutely noted that “the harms associated with pornography and sexualized media are rarely identified as harms associated with sex or the body as such, but rather as a specific version of this one that represents women. And men in narrow, unrealistic and heteronormative ways” (thomson et al. 2014, p. 28). In another swedish survey, more than a third of high school students believe that pornography is degrading in some respects (johansson & hammarén, 2007).

Concepts of sexual roles and women as sexual objects

In this regard, more frequent pornography use has been found to increase the likelihood of women (and girls) being perceived as sexual objects; that is, their main purpose is the sexual service of men (ter bogt et al. 2010; peter & valkenburg, 2007). In particular, the objectification of women “refers to reducing women to their sexual attractiveness in terms of their physical appearance and focusing on parts of their bodies, especially their genitals. It also means that women are portrayed as sex toys waiting to be gratified. Male sexual desires” (peter & valkenburg, 2010a, p. 359). The nearly universal culmination of the pornographic narrative, the “cum shot” when a man ejaculates on a woman’s body or face, is the literalization of this relationship: she is a means to his end. Such uneven sexual dynamics are in direct contrast to modern sex education, which emphasizes mutual respect and reciprocity (peter & valkenburg, 2010a, p. 359).

In a subsequent study, peter and valkenburg pointed out that “seim exposure to adolescents has been both a cause and a consequence of their beliefs that women are sex objects” (peter & valkenburg, 2009a), meaning that those who are more likely to view women as sex objects are more likely to find pornography (in which women are predominantly depicted in this way) is attractive. In another study examining different media platforms, boys’ use of seim was the strongest correlate with women as sex objects (ter bogt et al. 2010). This concern was shared by a high school student in one qualitative study, who commented:

I think sexually explicit media plays a particularly large role in how boys my age treat girls. And furthermore, the way girls my age react to getting attention or approval from their peers, or often don’t react when they receive unwanted attention. (Baker, 2016, p. 221)

Double standards in sex

These pornographic representations of sexual relations between the sexes also reinforce double standards between men and women, where men are desiring subjects and women are objects of satisfaction for men (häggström-nordin et al. 2006; tomson et al. 2014). In addition to the sexual roles of men and women depicted in pornography, adolescents also expressed concern about how men who are interested in or experienced sex acquire the status of “men” while women are vilified as whores (mattebo et al. 2012; tomson et al. . 2014).These cultural double standards also apply to pornography consumption, where the use of pornography is considered normative or status-enhancing for boys, but abnormal and damaging for girls (löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010; mattebo et al. 2014). ; Scarcelli, 2015; tomson et al. 2014). While these double standards are explicit in pornography, they are perpetuated and reinforced in a wide range of media.

By the way, some boys in one qualitative study expressed concern that they were not interested or not excited by pornography. Seim but felt they had to be (what was expected of them as men) (löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010). This characteristic was shared by the boys in the scottish study, as one described [the prospect of watching pornography with other boys]: “they will enjoy it and laugh. I would pretend, but i would be outraged by the content” (thomson et al. 2014, p. 18). This pressure to use and enjoy seim (or the appearance of use) for boys has been described as important to show that they are “male” and to make sure they do not come across as gay (tomson et al. 2014). The authors of this report concluded: “while it was considered normal for young women to not be interested in pornography, there was an assumption that young men who showed no interest would face ridicule” (tomson et al. 2014, p. 18). . Social pressure for boys to use and enjoy seim is helpful in developing educational strategies around these issues.

Mental well-being

Stress

Those children of an age or developmental level who are unaware of and uninterested in sexual activity are more likely to be upset by unwanted viewing of pornography. For example, in a survey of 10-17 year olds in the us, 10% described the experience as very or very upsetting (mitchell, et al. 2007). In a european survey of children (ages 9-16) concerned about the risks of online pornography, 22% mentioned pornography (livingstone et al. 2014). In this survey, younger children (ages 9–12) were more likely to be highly upset about it, and the duration of feeling upset was longer. In the same australian survey, the figure was 27% (green et al. 2013, p. 5). It may also be that younger children will not be upset with seim if they do not recognize what they see; instead, the experience may be perceived as “meaningless or funny” (mckee, 2010, p. 28) or stupid (martellozzo et al. 2016). Livingstone and colleagues concluded: “sexual risks—viewing sexual or pornographic content and receiving sexual messages—are more common but are perceived by children as much less dangerous, with little or no harm reported in most cases” (livingstone et al. . 2011, p. 135). These authors suggest that children are actually much better at dealing with seim than the one “people fear” (livingstone et al. 2011, p. 135).

Apart from age, gender is another factor in children’s experience of online pornography: girls are more likely to find such images unpleasant, embarrassing, humiliating or disgusting, while boys are more likely to experience sexual arousal from pornographic images (cameron et al. 2005; chronaki, 2013; johansson & hammaren, 2007; livingstone et al. 2011; löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010; martellozzo et al. 2016; romito & beltramini, 2011; sabina, et al. 2008). The content of seim also influences children’s reactions to it, as women’s submissive representations are more likely to offend girls. Sexual practices described in seim, which may be outside of cultural norms, may be more shocking and upsetting to minors.

It is important to note that exposure to online pornography can be perceived as both arousing and upsetting. As one study concluded, “adolescent viewers of online pornography may be struggling to cope with the degree of dissonance in their reactions to pornography. Find the transgressive aspects exciting” (martellozzo et al. 2016, p. 35).

Self-esteem and body image

The vast majority of pornography features very specific body types (predominantly white, thin females and muscular males) and sexual behavior (predominantly instrumental and often violent or “rough”) one study found that increased self-objectification and body surveillance were associated with adolescent male pornography use (vandenbosch & eggermont, 2013a ), while other studies have described this effect in young girls (häggström-nordin et al, 2006; martellozzo et al. 2016; thomson et al. 2014).In a qualitative study of swedish high school students, boys described uncertainty about their ability to engage in sexual activities, especially with regard to duration (löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010). The girls in the same study reported anxiety about their sexual performance as well as the ideal female body type depicted in seim. Both girls and boys (ages 14-20) in this study described increasing body fatigue in pornography (löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010). Young people in other studies, however, reported engaging in what they called “realistic” depictions of sex in the amateur pornography genre, in which they found “a more diverse range of people in terms of ethnicity, appearance, and sexuality,” which helped them to build self-confidence (smith, 2013, pp. 70-71).

Anxiety and depression

Clinical symptoms of depression have been associated with minors. Those who use seim (peter & valkenburg, 2006a; ybarra & mitchell, 2005), as well as those who have been adversely exposed (wolak, mitchell & finkelhor, 2007). A swedish study looking at how effects vary with frequency of seim use found no association between depressive symptoms and frequency of seim use, although frequent users experienced more peer relationship problems and drank more alcohol (mattebo et al. 2013 ). ). In a dutch study of compulsive seim use, adolescent boys with higher levels of depressive symptoms and lower self-esteem, i.E. Lower psychological well-being, were more likely to develop symptoms of compulsive seim use (doornwaard et al. 2016). Other studies show a similar relationship: adolescents who are less satisfied with their lives (peter & valkenburg, 2006a) or who exhibit depressive symptoms (wolak, et al, 2007) are more likely to use seim.

Addiction and preoccupation

“Addiction” can be defined as compulsively engaging in rewarding stimuli despite adverse consequences. Addiction is considered “a primary, chronic disease of the brain’s reward, motivation, memory, and associated circuitry” (american society for addiction medicine [asam], 2011). Pornography use is a behavior that can be categorized as a “process addiction” rather than a substance addiction (such as heroin or nicotine addiction). Process addiction consists of “a series of activities that expose the individual to ‘mood-altering events’ that the individual enjoys and becomes addicted to (such as gambling)” (sussman). , 2007, p. 257). The question of whether it is possible to become “addicted” to pornography remains controversial (wery & billieux, 2017), so problematic pornography use is best understood through a lens that focuses on compulsiveness and preoccupation. “Preoccupation” can be defined as a strong cognitive engagement with ideas about sex, sometimes to the exclusion of other thoughts. The increased use of pornography by adolescents is associated with concern (mattebo, tydén et al. 2013; peter & valkenburg, 2008a). Other literature suggests that sexual arousal is related to the satisfaction of short-term needs rather than long-term goals such as study (beyens, vandenbosch, & eggermont, 2015; owens et al. 2012).

Young people in a uk study expressed concern that peers are “watching too much” and becoming socially isolated (martellozzo et al. 2016, p. 37). It should be noted that most young seim users “do not develop obsessive tendencies”, but for those who do, “their usage patterns can have significant and lasting consequences in many areas of their lives” (doornwaard et al. 2016, p. 74, see also sussman, 2007). One dutch study investigating psychosocial factors in the development of problematic seim use in boys found that those at risk included adolescents who used “online sexually explicit material as a potential coping mechanism; as a temporary escape, a distraction, or a way to relieve stress or negative affective states.” (Doornwaard et al. 2016, p. 74; see also wery & billieux, 2015). Thus, the purpose of using seim becomes important in understanding the potential negative consequences. Importantly, these authors note that for adolescents, “sexual ‘compulsivity’ may be a qualitatively different phenomenon” than for adults (doornwaard et al. 2016, p. 75; see also sussman, 2007).In this study, problematic compulsive use was defined as: “lack of control over their use (item 1); concerns about use (points 2 and 4); adverse effects resulting from use (point 3); experiencing unpleasant emotions when using is impossible (item 5) and using to cope with or avoid negative feelings (item 6)” (doornwaard et al. 2016, p. 75).

Cognition and social functioning

A review of research on the impact of pornography on adolescents notes: with risk and reward seeking, promotes growth. And learning for most adolescents” (owens et al. 2012, p. 113). Accordingly, adolescents are more vulnerable to excessive risk activities than adults or young children, and reward-seeking behavior may have a greater impact. That is, adolescents may be more prone to problematic or compulsive use of seim. Importantly, “most adolescents are able to reason and understand the risks associated with their behavior” (owens et al. 2012, p. 113). Although, with regard to seim consumption, adolescents may not be aware of the potentially harmful effects, unlike, for example, the use of alcohol or other drugs, for which there are significant and general educational campaigns in various sources designed to communicate the possible risks.

Pornography use is also associated with poor academic performance. In a belgian study of adolescent boys (aged 12–15), the more they used seim, the worse their school grades were at six months (beyens, et al. 2015). Accordingly, in a study of greek high school students, both infrequent and frequent use of seim was significantly associated with “behavior problems”, with infrequent users being twice as likely to experience these problems and significantly more likely to be the case for frequent users (tsitsika et al. 2009). ). Behavioral problems are also associated with internet pornography consumption (ybarra & mitchell, 2005). In studies of young sex offenders, early exposure to pornography was associated with antisocial behavior (hunter, figured, & malamuth, 2010), and those who consumed pornography were more likely to engage in violent behavior (alexy, burgess, & prentky, 2009) .

Sexual self-confidence and resilience

Adolescents in one swedish study described how they decreased their use of seim in both their self-confidence and self-confidence. – Respect increased (with age) and that they had a better ability to “handle” images in seim if they had good relationships with friends and family they could talk to (löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010). As self-esteem grows, it becomes easier to assert sexual preferences and desires (löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010). In another qualitative study, young women described how the diversity of people in terms of ethnicity, appearance, and sexuality in “amateur” seim helped them develop their own sexual confidence (smith, 2013). One of the participants in this study, sophie, said:

Amateur porn[ography] is surprisingly good at everything, and so i never felt intimidated or felt bad about myself while watching. I found that in a way, looking at seventeen magazine and things like that hurt me more because it showed me the same girls over and over again. It showed me how to look… And all that was more: you should look like this and that, these are the only ways that men will desire you. (Smith, 2013, p. 70)

Thus, the genre or types of seim that teenagers view can have different and potentially positive effects.

Sexual behavior

Age of onset of sexual activity

There is some evidence that earlier exposure to seim increases the likelihood of earlier sexual experience; for example, studies have shown that adolescents who used seim more often had their first sexual experience earlier (häggström-nordin et al. 2005; morgan, 2011). Another study found that minors with internet access report a significantly earlier age at sexual initiation than those who do not (kraus & russell, 2008).

In a longitudinal study with younger adolescents in the united states, researchers found that those who used seim in the first wave of data collection (ages 12-14) who were not sexually active at that time were more likely to have had oral sex or sexual intercourse at follow-up (ages 14-16; brown & l’engle, 2009). In this study, male adolescents who used pornographic magazines, videos, and internet content between the ages of 12–14 were nearly three times more likely to report oral sex and intercourse at ages 14–16 than males who did not use mass media. Sexually explicit information (brown and l’engle, 2009). Adolescent girls who use pornography were also more likely to have oral sex or intercourse at follow-up, but the correlation was weaker (twice as likely to have oral sex, 1.5 times as likely to have intercourse). However, a swiss study found no correlation between pornography viewing and earlier onset of sexual activity (luder et al. 2011). Sexual development in relation to sexual initiation and pornography consumption (vandenbosch & eggermont, 2013b). The authors hypothesized that earlier puberty may be associated with increased susceptibility to seim messages due to early adolescents experiencing sexual sensations in new ways. This study found that adolescents in early puberty who frequently watched pornography were more likely to initiate sex (vandenbosch & eggermont, 2013b). However, the study also found that adolescents at a more advanced stage of puberty who used seim frequently were less likely to initiate sex (vandenbosch & eggermont, 2013b). In the study reported that they did not have sexual intercourse. In addition, other studies have shown that exposure to implicit sexual content in mainstream media (eg, music, television, magazines) predicted earlier sexual activity, including sexual intercourse (see ter bogt et al. 2010; brown & l’ engle, 2009). ). Other research also suggests that “sexually oriented” television is particularly associated with expectations about sex, perceptions of peer sexual behavior, and sexually condescending attitudes (see hennessy et al. 2009).

Concerns about the age of onset of sexual activity reflect a sexual morality bias and also tend to be arbitrary. For example, one study defines “early sexual debut” as having sexual intercourse before age 15 (luder et al. 2011), while other studies define early sexual debut as having sexual intercourse before age 18 ( see heywood, patrick, smith and pitts, 2015). While some scholars argue that early onset of sexual activity is a risk factor for “high-risk sexual activity, such as having multiple sexual partners or having sex while intoxicated” (vandenbosch & eggermont, 2013b, p. 622), as well as sexually transmitted diseases, teenage pregnancy, and lower relationship satisfaction, it is important to note that these studies reveal these associations.

Overall, the findings are mixed as to whether viewing or using online pornography affects on sexual debut, and whether age of onset of sexual activity is a problematic sexual behavior in terms of negative health outcomes. It appears that those who are at the onset of puberty may be more susceptible and therefore more affected by the content of seim, suggesting that interventions may also have the greatest impact on this age group.

Riskier sexual practices

It has been argued that the various activities depicted in pornography “can incite, eroticize and legitimize” them (flood, 2009, p. 390), increasing the likelihood of adolescent involvement into riskier sexual activities. However, some important clarification is needed to communicate what constitutes sexual risk behavior and how it has been studied. For our purposes here, sexual risk refers to negative or unhealthy outcomes, that is, activities that lead to unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted infections (stis, including hiv). Victimization or commission of sexual assault is discussed below, and sexual dissatisfaction has been discussed above.Therefore, we define riskier sexual practices as: not using a condom, swallowing ejaculate, and being drunk (because substance use can increase the likelihood of participating in the first two practices, see for example chaney, vail-smith, martin, & cremeens-matthews, 2016 ). . 4 it should be noted that this definition is substantially narrower than the one usually given in the literature. This is because many studies define risky or problematic sexual behavior in a way that reveals sexual morality bias. For example, many studies assess risky sexual relationships through casual sex or multiple partners (braun-courville & rojas, 2009; carroll et al. 2008; morgan, 2011). These sexual behaviors may be considered culturally undesirable, but they are not inherently associated with negative health outcomes. In addition, some studies have shown no association (luder et al. 2011) or significance (kraus & russell, 2008) for pornography use and the number of sexual partners. Rather, the use or non-use of barriers (condoms) is an important factor in relation to the physical sexual health we are discussing here. Consent is an important factor in emotional sexual health.

Research on the relationship between condom use or non-use and pornography consumption among adolescents varies. Some studies have shown that pornography use has been associated with condom use by both gay (arrington-sanders et al. 2015) and heterosexual (braun-courville & rojas, 2009; luder et al. 2011) male adolescents, however, this does not apply to adolescent girls (luder et al. 2011). One study from the netherlands, in which adolescents were repeatedly asked about their sexual practices and pornography use, found no association between pornography use and sex without a condom (peter & valkenburg, 2011c). These associations may differ depending on the content of the pornography they consume, especially between homosexual and heterosexual male adolescents, since gay pornography has a much higher rate of condom use (sex without a condom is a significant minority of gay pornography) than straight pornography. (Sex without a condom is the vast majority of materials). In addition, the relative cultural context of sexuality education and condom use is also important here (for example, in the netherlands, sexuality education is more comprehensive and more sensitive to gender and consent in general than in australia, see bell, 2009).

There appears to be only one study looking at the practice of swallowing ejaculate, and that was a study involving african american male youth in the us (arrington-sanders et al. 2015). The authors found that pornography use was associated with an increase in such sexual behavior. However, because this was in a very small sample, the association remains controversial and needs to be further investigated.

Anal sex in particular presents challenges as to whether it represents risky or problematic sexual behavior . . This is because adults conducting research generally view heterosexual anal intercourse as a “marginal” sexual activity (mcbride & fortenberry, 2010), which is not the case for young adults. Anal intercourse, and especially its association with male homosexuality, is often viewed as inherently degrading, and this prejudice is evident in studies of anal sex between men and women. Penetrated contrary to the notion common in pornographic films” (häggström-nordin, et al. 2005, p. 106). This example is a pungent form of moralizing in pornography research, although this view is common in the literature.

In a qualitative study in sweden, young men “vehemently denied” that they wanted to imitate pornographic practices. In their sexual relationships (löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010, p. 575). However, young girls in the same study felt that their boyfriends really wanted to do what they saw in pornography and cited anal sex as an example (löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010). A similar response was seen in a us study of african american and hispanic youth in which participants explained men’s interest in anal sex to pornography (rothman et al. 2015). Sexual behavior in which one participant is subjected to pressure or coercion constitutes sexual aggression, which is discussed below.

There is evidence that pornography use increases the likelihood that adolescents will accept and participate in sexual permissiveness (braun-courville & rojas, 2009; brown & l’engle, 2009; morgan, 2011; peter & valkenburg, 2006a, 2007, 2008b), although the consequences of this in terms of sexual and psychological health remain poorly understood. There is some suggestion that pornography use is associated with “more diverse sexual practices”, although more diverse practices need to be assessed in terms of health risk rather than being seen as an indicator of more general sexual risk. For example, studies of young people in sweden found that girls who viewed pornography were more likely to have anal sex, and boys who regularly watched pornography were more likely to have anal sex with a girl and also try other forms of sex. Actions they saw in pornography (häggström-nordin, et al. 2005; johansson & hammaren, 2007). Frequent use of seim was associated with sex with a friend, group sex, oral sex, and anal sex in a study of swedish high school students (häggström-nordin, et al. 2005). The use of seim was associated with a higher likelihood of engaging in group sex for adolescent girls in one study (rothman et al. 2012). Other studies, however, have not found consistent evidence that pornography is associated with more diverse sexual practices (doornwaard, et al. 2015; mattebo et al. 2014).

Summarizing, considering that use, especially frequent use, of seim is associated with more liberal sexual attitudes, it seems to follow that such use may also lead to more liberal sexual practices. More permissive sexual practices can involve a variety of activities and are defined differently in the literature, often indicative of sexual morality bias in research. However, links between condom non-use and pornography consumption suggest that pornographic images may influence young people’s practice, acceptance, and discussion of safer sex; that is, they may become more receptive to unprotected sex. However, it is important to note that non-use of a condom is associated with a variety of reasons.

Sexual assault

We define sexual assault as sexual harassment. And coercion, as well as sexual assault and abuse. Sexually aggressive behavior tends to differ between age groups, where younger boys may be more likely to engage in behavior that adults would define as sexual harassment, “such as sexually touching, grabbing or pinching, pulling or lowering clothing, forcing kiss, etc. Or other unwanted sexual behavior” (brown & l’engle, 2009, p. 134). There is evidence of an association between pornography viewing and sexual harassment of boys (bonino et al. 2006; brown & l’engle, 2009) and sexual abuse of college students (simons et al. 2012). In a study by brown and l’engle (2009), adolescent boys who used seim in early adolescence (ages 12–14) were more likely to exhibit sexually aggressive behavior at follow-up two years. Accordingly, frequent pornography use has been associated with female victimization (for girls, bonino et al. 2006; for female students, simons et al. 2012). In a three-year longitudinal study of adolescents aged 10-15 years in the united states, adolescents who consumed violent pornography were six times more likely to be sexually aggressive than those who viewed non-violent pornography and those who did not ( ybarra et al. 2011), suggesting that the content of seim is important for understanding sexually aggressive behavior. This study took into account factors such as anger and other aggressive behaviors. One retrospective study of male convicted sex offenders found that adolescent pornography significantly increased victim harm and humiliation (mancini, reckdenwald, & beauregard, 2012). In a study of adolescent sex offenders (sexually reactive children), researchers found that those who used seim were more likely to engage in sexual coercion or coerced sexual intercourse (alexy, burgess, & prentky, 2009). In a school survey in sweden, researchers found that attitudes towards rape and sexual preoccupation were strongly associated with sexually aggressive behavior (kellerman et al. 2010).In this study, those boys who were sexually aggressive, as well as those who had problems with non-sexual behavior, were more likely to use pornography frequently and have ever watched violent pornography (kjellgren et al. 2010). In a school survey in italy, girls who experienced psychological or sexual domestic violence were more likely to watch pornography, especially violent pornography and pornography in which women appeared to enjoy acts of violence (romito & beltramini, 2011). No such associations were found in boys.

It is important to note that for most men, frequent pornography use cannot be associated with increased sexual aggression (ybarra & mitchell, 2005). Rather, there are other risk factors that make some men more likely to engage in sexually aggressive behavior, such as hostility towards women, lower intelligence, antisocial tendencies, and an increased interest in impersonal sex and dominance (malamuth & huppin, 2005; ybarra & mitchell , 2005). ). This can be summarized as follows: “the degree to which a person has certain combinations of risk factors determines the likelihood that he will become sexually aggressive after exposure to pornography” (malamuth & huppin, 2005, p. 316). Adolescents with these risk factors, in turn, are more likely to view pornography, more likely to view violent pornography, and more likely to be affected by the gender and sexual messages of the pornography they consume (malamuth & huppin, 2005; ybarra & mitchell, 2005 ). ). The potential problems of high-frequency pornography consumption are related to pre-existing personality traits. That is, as kingston and colleagues put it:

When considered in the context of multiple interacting factors, results from experimental and non-experimental studies and across populations are highly consistent, showing that pornography use may be a risk factor for sexually aggressive outcomes, mostly for men with high levels of other risk factors and frequent pornography users. (Kingston et al. 2009, p. 216)

Pornography use can be understood as an increase in the likelihood of sexually aggressive behavior by some boys and an increase in the likelihood of being the victim of sexually aggressive behavior by some girls.

Describing some of their own experimental research with young men in college, malamute and happin describe how exposing young men to images of sexual abuse contributed to their acceptance of cultural stereotypes that “women deserve or secretly desire rape” ( myths about rape) (malamuth & huppin, 2005). When images of sexual violence featured a woman who was aroused by the conditions of sexual violence, study participants reported that they believed that a greater percentage of women enjoyed the sexual violence. This effect was especially pronounced in men who showed a predisposition to sexual aggression, and did not appear in men who did not show such a predisposition. This, the authors concluded, is indicative of how violent pornography affects the attitudes of men with sexually aggressive tendencies, which confirms that sexual violence is acceptable and desirable, but does not have such an impact on all men (malamuth & huppin, 2005, p. 321; vega and malamute, 2007). It is important to note that the rape mythology has been found to be perpetuated in mainstream men’s magazines (horvath et al. 2012). Sexual harassment and abuse, for example, one 17-year-old girl described the following experience at school:

Some guys just open a porn [website] and then start watching it. And then, like boys, they start spanking girls on the asses, grabbing their tits and so on. And actually one time this dude – this time in tenth grade, this dude, he kept going to me like that, he kept reaching for my chest, and then, uh, i slapped him. It seems to be very hard. And then he hit me back, and i started hitting him, and then i was expelled. (Rothman et al. 2015, p. 740)

Some young girls reported being coerced into sexual activities that their boyfriends saw in pornography (rothman et al. 2015). Sexual aggression can also take the form of videotaping of sexual acts without consent and/or sharing images or videos with friends (see rothman et al. 2015). This activity constitutes the production of pornography and may be illegal for both juveniles under 18 and interested adults attempting to interfere with the practice.In a study in five european countries, young people (aged 13-19) found similarities between sending/receiving/exchanging sexual images (known as “sexting” for adults, but teenagers rarely use this term) and pornography, for example , control and humiliation (stanley et al. 2016). This study found that the commission of sexual coercion was associated with both regular viewing of pornography and sending or receiving images or messages of a sexual nature (stanley et al. 2016). Boys with more sexist gender attitudes were also more likely to engage in sexual coercion (stanley et al. 2016).

Complex interacting factors

Adolescence is a time of “critical and significant changes in many areas: physical, emotional, cognitive, social, spiritual and sexual. Consequently, adolescents are considered to be one of the most receptive audiences for sexually explicit content” (owens et al. 2012, p. 101). In particular, younger adolescents are beginning to form their own ideas about sex and relationships (brown & l’engle, 2009; malamuth & huppin, 2005). However, “there is no universal use of online sexually explicit material, nor a universal or direct impact [meaning, use] of such material” (peter & valkenburg, 2006b, p. 655).

The use or consumption of pornography includes different ways of interacting with material, a variety of content, as well as many different points of view and experiences that affect how minors understand seim and what exposures they may therefore expose them to vulnerability. J. For example, the use of violent pornography has been associated with actual violent behavior, including sexual assault. This shows how important the content (what types) of available pornography is. There is also evidence that pre-existing understanding of sexual norms (what types of sexual activity are appropriate) affects how painful it is for young children to view pornographic material depicting other activities. This shows how age and cultural context affect seim scores. How minors read pornography is also influenced in different ways, for example if they think that pornographic images depict realistic or unrealistic sexual behavior. All these factors interact with each other in different ways and, in particular, affect boys and girls in different age groups differently, which makes it important to consider gender and age factors. The following table shows some important factors influencing pornography perception, engagement and potential consequences:

Gender

Age

Sexual development

Cultural background

Religiosity

Socio-economic status (ses)

Sexual orientation

Sexual interest

Sexual experience

History of sexual abuse/abuse

Relationships

Sensational seeking

Aggression

Attitudes towards violence against women

Attitude towards pornography

Accidental

Intentional

First acquaintance

Frequency of use

Duration of viewing

Purpose

Experimental state (e.G. Arousal)

With sexual partner/peers/alone

Perceived realism

Sex education

Critical literacy

Marital status

Communication with parents

Communication with friends

Age of friends

Perceived norms

Condom use/non-use

Women as sexual objects

Depiction of violence

Women turned on by violence

Racist stereotypes

Point of view (pov)

Power relations

Attachment

Gaps in literature and future research

Other factors

Research is often built around hypotheses and results without taking into account the social context and a number of other factors. There is also no attention to intermediary factors and transactional relationships; that is, how other variables might affect pornography use. Studies that include transactional relationships “describe the effects of media use more realistically and credibly” than those that assume a linear notion of media effects (peter & valkenburg, 2016, p. 512). For example, many studies focus on causal claims about pornography use (i.E. Sexually aggressive behavior, rather than directly portraying sexually aggressive behavior as a consequence of pornography use).”It needs to be understood that exposure to sem [sexually explicit media] can shape sexual preferences and that young people often selectively seek out sexual media that is consistent with pre-existing preferences” (morgan, 2011, p. 528).

Constructs of masculinity

“Historically, the consumption of pornography is a male act and rarely committed by women […] heterosexual masculinity is then a central part of the ethnography of pornography and also illustrates the connection with the social world roles, values and the social structure of society” (löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010, p. 576). Male sexual abuse of adolescents is associated with social pressure to prove one’s masculinity (see messerschmidt, 2000). More research is needed on whether how pornography affects the formation of masculinity, in particular heterosexual masculinity, and the formation of adolescent ideas about what it means to “be a man.” This point was supported in one qualitative study: “if sex education programs should deal with online sem, then take into account adolescents’ understanding of gender roles in sexual interactions and especially norms of masculinity when providing adolescent boys with resources for critical consideration. Sem” (smith, 2013, pp. 72-73).

Family relationships

Remarkably little research has been done on intra-family relationships with respect to pornography. Relationships between fathers and sons, siblings (especially older brothers), mothers and children, and other relationships within families research shows that the context in which seim is used influences how children and young people respond to material, and that positive communication with parents or other adults can mitigate harmful effects by increasing self-confidence and self-esteem (löfgren-mårtenson & månsson, 2010) one study of college students first exposure to sexually explicit images (not necessarily pornography) found that this most often occurred at home before the age of 10 (allen & lavender-stott, 2015) researchers contrast this “wide availability” of sexual imagery with the “lack of explicit instructions and explanations” from parents or other adults (allen & lavender-stott, 2015 , p. 401). They also note that “sexual socialization is a gradual developmental process that occurs throughout life, and this notion contradicts the idea that parents give their children a one-time verbal “sex talk”” (allen & lavender-stott, 2015 ). , P. 393). More research is needed in this area, especially in relation to shared viewing practices, as well as restrictive (setting rules and time limits) and active (coaching, guiding) mediation in families.

One dutch two-stage study of adolescents (aged 12–17 years) showed that parental mediation in sem did not lead to a decrease in sexual experience at follow-up (nikken & de graaf, 2012). The girls in this study whose parents restricted their use of the media were more likely to have had a sexual experience (nikken & de graaf, 2012). In contrast, a u.S. Study of young people (aged 18–26 years) found that parental restrictive mediation of sem during adolescence was reflected in their views of pornography as new adults (rasmussen et al. 2016) . These researchers concluded that “parental provision of rules for adolescent pornography viewing may reduce future pornography consumption by instilling a clear belief that the parent does not approve of pornography viewing” (rasmussen et al. 2016; see also rasmussen, ortiz & white , 2015). These competing claims highlight the need for more research into parent-child communication about sexual media and its impact, as well as the broader cultural contexts and expectations in which this communication takes place.

Differences between adolescents and adults

There are mixed results as to whether and to what extent there are differences in adult and adolescent exposure to pornography. There are few studies comparing these groups, although one study found that outcomes did not differ (peter & valkenburg, 2011c). Although there is more research on adults, these are adults who grew up in a significantly different technological environment than the current situation (i.E. Without smartphones or an internet connection capable of streaming video).

How are the effects different for teenagers (than adults)? Which teenagers are most often affected? Who is affected by what?Do teenagers find pornography more realistic than adults? How do teenagers identify with depicted sexual acts? How do they perceive pornography in their relationships? What do adolescents think of the impact/harm? Research with adults shows that many women feel betrayed when they discover that their male partners are consuming pornography (eg tylka & van diest, 2014). Do teens have similar (or different) experiences and what are the consequences?

What types of seim do teens watch? How are preferences formed? Do they form habits that become sustainable as adults, or do they move on? For example, “do teens who see sexually explicit material at the start of their puberty maintain an interest in such material and ‘move’ to more sexually explicit content over time, or if they satisfy their curiosity, they might get bored and move on to other types of media content and/or activities”? (Brown & l’engle, 2009, p. 147) if people “quit” pornography, when? And does this apply to the development of sexual relations? Does becoming a parent affect the use of seim and their position in the relationship? These are important questions for future research.

Relationships between adolescents

If studies show that most boys use internet pornography while most girls do not look at pornography and consider pornography degrading, there are important questions about the relationship between boys and girls. More research is needed on adolescent relationship experiences and the role that pornography can play in the development of the sexual repertoire as well as sexual pressure and coercion in relationships. In particular, how do girls feel about their boyfriends using pornography?

One online survey of u.S. Psychology students (ages 18-29) in heterosexual relationships found that pornography use was negatively associated with their self-esteem, relationship quality, and sexual satisfaction” (stewart & szymanski, 2012, p. 265). For the men in this study, relationship quality and sexual satisfaction were also negatively associated with their pornography use (szymanski & stewart-richardson, 2014). In another study, female partners of adult male seim users reported reduced sexual intimacy, reduced self-esteem, and a demand to participate in activities they considered undesirable (manning, 2006). It is important to recognize that for many couples, the use of seim is a common part of their sexual relationship. For example, in one study of heterosexual couples, 72% of men and 56% of women reported using seim, and sharing sexual media was associated with higher relationship satisfaction compared with use alone (bridges & morokoff, 2011). In a longitudinal study of newlyweds in the netherlands, researchers found an inverse relationship between seim use and lower relationship satisfaction among husbands, which they explained as: “husbands in bad relationships use more seim, and more seim among husbands leads to poorer relationships” (muusses ). , Kerckhoff & finkenauer, 2015, p. 83). However, all of these results are not necessarily indicative of adolescent relationships.

Safe sex

It is worth noting that withdrawal practices (coitus interruptus)6 seem to , has never been considered in studies examining adolescents’ associations between pornography viewing and sexual behavior. Given that this is a sexual act common to almost the entire genre of pornography, this omission seems remarkable. If young people are influenced by what they see in pornography, why is there so little research into drug withdrawal and its consequences? In california, where most professional pornography is produced, regulations regarding safe work practices mandate the use of condoms and dental pads as barriers, as well as “out-of-body ejaculation” (grudzen et al. 2009, p. S152). ). It would be useful for future research to look at this practice in more detail in terms of sexual health implications, including emotional effects.

See see appendix 1 of the evidence library that accompanies this report.

Footnotes

1 , hair pulling, tying and kicking” (gorman et al. , 2010, p. 135).

2 it is not clear whether participants in this study accepted the question of whether pornographic sex depicted was real (not simulated) or realistic in the way they expected sex.

3 “sexual satisfaction” refers to the degree of satisfaction, regardless of experience.

4 sexual activities involving blood are the most risky in terms of transmission of viruses through blood (hepatitis c and hiv), although these activities have not been considered in the literature on pornography and adolescent sexual behavior.

5 there are no studies examining anal intercourse between women and men due to the use pornography by adolescents, and research on anal sex does not distinguish between active and receptive men, rather it is assumed that men are active and women are receptive, without actually studying the issue.

6 sexual intercourse in which the penis retrieved before ejaculation.

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Press releases

– Pornography shaping the sexual experience of young people

Quadara, a. El-murr, a. & Latham, j. (2017). The impact of pornography on children and young people: scanning the evidence. (Research report). Melbourne: australian institute of family research.